Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-7 (section)

==== 7.4.4.4 Planned Relocation and Managed Retreats ====

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''There is high agreement among existing studies that immobile populations often have high vulnerability and/or high long-term exposure to climate hazards, and that non-climatic political, economic and social factors within countries may strongly constrain mobility ( [[#Zickgraf--2019|Zickgraf, 2019]] ; [[#Ayeb-Karlsson--2020|Ayeb-Karlsson et al., 2020]] ; [[#Cundill--2021|Cundill et al., 2021]] ).'' Section 7.2.6.2 highlighted the particular vulnerability of immobile populations in the face of growing climatic risks. However, research suggests governments should be slow to label such populations as being ‘trapped’ or to actively promote relocations in the absence of local agreement that ''in situ'' adaptation options have been exhausted ( [[#Adams--2016|Adams, 2016]] ; [[#Farbotko--2019|Farbotko and McMichael, 2019]] ). In the case of indigenous settlements, efforts made to incorporate traditional knowledge in decision-making and planning increase the potential for longer-term success (Manrique, 2018). Considerable health implications can emerge within populations that are relocated as part of a planned retreat, and represent an important consideration for planners that requires greater research ( [[#Dannenberg--2019|Dannenberg et al., 2019]] ). Organised relocations are not inherently transformative in their outcomes but, depending on the circumstances under which they occur and on how issues of equity and respect for the rights of those affected are implemented, relocation could potentially represent a positive transformation ( [[#Siders--2021|Siders et al., 2021]] ).

''Disruptive and expensive relocations of low-lying coastal settlements in many regions would become increasingly necessary in coming decades under high levels of warming'' ( ''high confidence'' ) ''.'' Organised relocations require long-term innovation, planning and cooperation on the part of governments, institutions, affected populations and civil society ( [[#Hauer--2017|Hauer, 2017]] ; [[#Hino--2017|Hino et al., 2017]] ; [[#Haasnoot--2021|Haasnoot et al., 2021]] ; [[#Moss--2021|Moss et al., 2021]] ). Recent examples illustrate the substantial financial costs of organised relocations, ranging from USD 10,000 per person in examples from Fiji to USD 100,000 per person in coastal Louisiana, USA ( [[#Hino--2017|Hino et al., 2017]] ). Organised relocations are politically and emotionally charged, may not necessarily be seen as desirable by exposed populations and are most successful when approached proactive and strategically to avoid increasing the socioeconomic vulnerability of those who are relocated ( [[#Jamero--2017|Jamero et al., 2017]] ; [[#Wilmsen--2015|Wilmsen and Webber, 2015]] ; [[#Chapin--2016|Chapin et al., 2016]] ; [[#McNamara--2018|McNamara et al., 2018]] ; [[#Hauer--2019|Hauer et al., 2019]] ; [[#Bertana--2020|Bertana, 2020]] ). Key considerations for protecting the rights and well-being of people who might need to be resettled include proactive communication with and participation of the affected communities, availability of compensation, livelihood protection and ensuring there is permanence and security of tenure at the relocation destination ( [[#Tadgell--2018|Tadgell et al., 2018]] ). Availability of funds for resettlement, how to manage relocation from communally owned lands, how to value privately owned land to be abandoned and the potential for loss and damage claims are just some of the many potential complications ( [[#Marino--2018|Marino, 2018]] ; [[#McNamara--2018|McNamara et al., 2018]] ). As a proactive option, researchers in Bangladesh have suggested the creation of ‘migrant-friendly towns’ to provide options for autonomous relocation from hazardous areas (Khan and Huq, 2021).

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