Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-12 (section)

=== 12.6.3 Towards a Metropolitan Water-related Climate Proof Governance (Re)configuration? The case of Lima, Peru ===

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Lima-Callao Metropolitan Area, capital of Perú, is facing recurrent climate disasters providing lessons on water-related climate-proof governance reconfiguration. The first lesson is that when disasters affect poor and rich populations, dominant actors prioritise the integral city’s resilience and development and coordinate and collaborate within a ''concertation'' framework across institutional levels and geographical scales ( [[#Hommes--2017|Hommes and Boelens, 2017]] ; [[#Miranda%20Sara--2021|Miranda Sara, 2021]] ), even having different ideas, discourses, and power, recognising that no single actor has enough power. Second, water-related climate-change scenarios require comprehensive, transverse, multi-sectoral, multi-scalar, multiple types of actor knowledge (expert, tacit, codified and contextual embedded) ( [[#Pfeffer--2018|Pfeffer, 2018]] ) and transparent information to manage the tensions and even conflicts when some knowledge is not shared or restricted, particularly when lower risk perception and higher risk tolerance are present. Finally, a ''concertative'' (processes involving a variety of actors, which has become mandatory in Peru) strategy to ''localise'' climate-changed-related action shows quicker, more effective and more transparent results ( ''medium confidence, robust evidence, medium agreement'' ) ( [[#Miranda%20Sara--2014|Miranda Sara and Baud, 2014]] ; [[#Pepermans--2016|Pepermans and Maeseele, 2016]] ; [[#Siña--2016|Siña et al., 2016]] ; [[#Miranda%20Sara--2017|Miranda Sara et al., 2017]] ).

As the second driest city in the world, Lima is highly vulnerable to drought and heavy rainfall in the nearby Andean highlands ( [[#Schütze--2019|Schütze et al., 2019]] ). Located on the Pacific coast with more than 10 million inhabitants, it suffers from flooding, mudslide disasters and water stress, and is more frequently affected by heavy rain peak events (1970, 1987, 1998, 2012, 2014, 2015 and 2017) ( ''very high confidence'' ) ( [[#Mesclier--2015|Mesclier et al., 2015]] ; [[#Miranda%20Sara--2016|Miranda Sara et al., 2016]] ; [[#French--2017|French and Mechler, 2017]] ; [[#Vázquez-Rowe--2017|Vázquez-Rowe et al., 2017]] ; [[#Escalante%20Estrada--2020|Escalante Estrada and Miranda, 2020]] ). In addition to unequal water distribution in quantity and pricing, one million inhabitants lack water connections ( [[#Ioris--2016|Ioris, 2016]] ; [[#Miranda%20Sara--2017|Miranda Sara et al., 2017]] ; [[#Vázquez-Rowe--2017|Vázquez-Rowe et al., 2017]] ) as a result of a lack of long-term city planning and lack of integration with water and risk management. Climate-change scenarios were ignored or denied, particularly when budget allocations for preventive actions were necessary ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Miranda%20Sara--2016|Miranda Sara et al., 2016]] ; [[#Allen--2017a|Allen et al., 2017a]] ).

In 2014, the water company (SEDAPAL), together with the Lima Metropolitan Municipality (LMM), National Water Authority (ANA) and other organisations, agreed on a Lima Action Plan for Water ( [[#Schütze--2019|Schütze et al., 2019]] ). The same year, the LMM approved a climate change strategy defining adaptation and mitigation measures ( [[#Miranda%20Sara--2014|Miranda Sara and Baud, 2014]] ) based on technical and scientific action research within interactive and iterative ''concertation'' multi-actor processes.

However, in 2015, municipal elections shifted Lima’s and, later, Peru’s political power to parties associated with climate deniers at a high cost to the people, city infrastructure and housing. In early 2017, buildings along rivers, ravines and slopes suffered from floods, ''huaycos'' (mudslides), and the whole city experienced potable water cuts ( [[#Vázquez-Rowe--2017|Vázquez-Rowe et al., 2017]] ) and vector-borne diseases affecting especially poorer but also richer inhabitants.

A so-called coastal El Niño affected the whole country, and as a consequence, in 2018 the Peruvian government passed the Framework Law for Climate Change, Law No. 30754, a unique political decision, to assure the integration of climate-change concerns in public policies and investment projects. The law defines local government mandates on local climate action plans. The 2019 municipal elections brought new local authorities to Lima, and by 2020, 19 district municipalities had developed adaptation measures, adopting the metropolitan climate change strategy with support from Cities for Life Foro and GIZ ( [[#Foro%20Ciudades%20Para%20la%20Vida--2021|Foro Ciudades Para la Vida, 2021]] ). In 2021, LMM approved its local climate change plan (LCCP), and 10 (out of 51 with Callao) more municipalities finalised their LCCP with the support of the Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate &amp; Energy and the European Union.

The institutionalised culture of participation in Peru did lead to a broader concept of concertation, wherein practices of collaborative planning were developed to allow actors to build up socially supported agreements and decisions and take action without losing sight of their principles. These processes have been applied to reduce risks, to adapt and to anticipate uncertain and unknown futures; they also introduced climate-change concerns within a complex political and institutional environment surrounded by corruption scandals ( [[#Vergara--2018|Vergara, 2018]] ; [[#Durand--2019|Durand, 2019]] ) and growing political polarisation.

Several processes have been set in motion to engage citizen participation and promote climate action planning. First, the LMM with Climate Action Plan processes reopened the Climate Change Technical Group of the Municipal Environmental Commission, whose work ended in the approval of the Lima Local Action Plan of Climate Change ( [[#MML--2021|MML, 2021]] ). Second, the River Basin Council is developing the River Basin Management Plan led by the National Water Authority.Finally, the Metropolitan Lima Urban Development Plan is finalising a citizen consultation, with the support of a high-level consultation group.

Such processes include heated discussions, conflicts and the recognition of other discourses and types of knowledge so as to build up scenarios that ‘visualise’ and anticipate what might happen. These processes require democratic, transparent and decentralised institutions, providing clear mandates and strong political will to support them, so that the poor and vulnerable can make their views known and are able to make themselves heard, even if their power remains limited ( [[#Chu--2016|Chu et al., 2016]] ). Opportunities for the reconfiguration of sociopolitical and technological water governance are emerging based on socially supported agreements ( [[#Miranda%20Sara--2014|Miranda Sara and Baud, 2014]] ; [[#Miranda%20Sara--2021|Miranda Sara, 2021]] ). However, the water governance configuration faces the paradox that the current water demands of all users combined may no longer be feasible within ecological limits and future climate-change consequences ( [[#Miranda%20Sara--2016|Miranda Sara et al., 2016]] ; [[#Schütze--2019|Schütze et al., 2019]] ).

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