Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-8 (section)

==== 8.2.1.7 Linkages Between Climate Change Impacts and Sustainable Development Goals ====

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Many of the observed outcomes of climate change, for example, migration, are also outcomes of multidimensional poverty in low-income countries ( [[#Burrows--2016|Burrows and Kinney, 2016]] ). Future impacts may be better understood if the vulnerability and the capacity for adaptation is understood to be rooted in a sustainable development context (see Box 8.2). The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which aim to reduce poverty and inequality, and identify options for achieving development progress, also provide insight on reducing climate vulnerability ( [[#United%20Nations--2015|United Nations, 2015]] ). First, climate change impacts may undermine progress toward various SDGs ( ''medium confidence'' ), primarily poverty reduction (SDG1), zero hunger (SDG2), gender equality (SDG5) and reducing inequality (SDG10), among others ( ''medium evidence, high agreement'' ). In both developing and high-income countries, climate change hazards in connection with other non-climatic drivers already accelerate trends of wealth inequality (SDG 1) ( [[#Leal%20Filho--2020b|Leal Filho et al., 2020b]] ). Climate impacts on SDGs illustrate the complex interrelations in development. For example, in regions encountering obstacles to SDGs, characterised by high levels of inequality and poverty, such as in Africa, Central Asia and Central America, climate change is exacerbating water insecurity (SDG 6), which may then also drive food insecurity (SDG 2), impacting the poor directly (e.g., via crop failure), or indirectly (e.g., via rising food prices) ( [[#Conway--2015|Conway et al., 2015]] ; [[#Hertel--2015|Hertel, 2015]] ; [[#Cheeseman--2016|Cheeseman, 2016]] ; [[#Rasul--2016|Rasul and Sharma, 2016]] ). There is a pressing need to address poverty issues, since these may negatively influence the implementation of all SDGs ( [[#Leal%20Filho--2021a|Leal Filho et al., 2021a]] ).

At the same time, there is increasing evidence that successful adaptation depends on equitable development and climate justice; for example, gender inequality (SDG 5) and discrimination (SDG 16) are among the barriers to effective adaptation ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Bryan--2018|Bryan et al., 2018]] ; [[#Onwutuebe--2019|Onwutuebe, 2019]] ; [[#Garcia--2020|Garcia et al., 2020]] ). Likewise, both climatic and non-climatic threats to development, such as conflict (SDG 16), may seriously undermine capacity to formulate and implement adaptation policies, and design planning pathways ( [[#Hinkel--2018|Hinkel et al., 2018]] ). The risk of conflict associated with climate change has great potential to undermine other development goals (Box 8.4). Where sustainable development lags and human vulnerability is high, there is also often also a severe adaptation gap (Figure 8.12; [[#Birkmann--2021a|Birkmann et al., 2021a]] ). The SDGs may provide important cues on how to close the adaptation gap: climate action needs to be prioritised where past and future climate change impacts threaten SDGs, and where investment in SDGs improve capacity for adaptation (see [[#8.6|Section 8.6]] ).

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'''Box 8.1 | Climate traps: A focus on refugees and internally displaced people'''
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Populations of concern, who are extremely vulnerable to climate change impacts with limited capacity to adapt, are those displaced and resettled in the course of conflict or disaster, either internally or across borders ( [[#Burrows--2016|Burrows and Kinney, 2016]] ). The risk for refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs) is two-fold: on the one hand, refugee and IDP settlements are disproportionately concentrated in regions (e.g., Central Africa and the Near East) that are exposed to higher-than-average warming levels and specific climate hazards, including temperature extremes and drought. On the other, these populations frequently inhabit settlements and legal circumstances that are intended to be temporary but are protracted across generations, and at the same time, face legal and economic barriers on their ability to migrate away from climate impacts. ( [[#Adams--2016|Adams, 2016]] ; [[#Devictor--2016|Devictor and Do, 2016]] ). Large concentrations of these settlements are located in the Sahel, the Near East and Central Asia, where temperatures will rise higher than the global average, and extreme temperatures will exceed thresholds for safe habitation (Figure Box 8.1.1). Already largely dependent on state and humanitarian intervention, these immobile populations will require interventions to safely maintain residence in areas exposed to climate hazards. Adaptation planning should prioritise immobile populations living in an already destabilised development context, on improving their capacities to deal with the further consequences of climate change.

Refugees and IDPs fit into a global category of extremely structurally vulnerable people that are missing from standard poverty assessments, officially uncounted or uncountable using traditional census and survey methods ( [[#Carr-Hill--2013|Carr-Hill, 2013]] ). These include highly mobile populations, internally displaced by war and environmental hazards ( [[#UNHCR--2020|UNHCR, 2020]] ; [[#IDMC--2021|IDMC, 2021]] ); itinerant labourers; urban poor in informal settlements ( [[#Lucci--2018|Lucci et al., 2018]] ); unauthorised migrants living in countries where they do not hold citizenship ( [[#Passel--2006|Passel, 2006]] ); guest workers ( [[#Reichel--2017|Reichel and Morales, 2017]] ); the homeless and institutionalised ( [[#Caton--2007|Caton et al., 2007]] ); rural nomadic, pastoralist or landless populations ( [[#Randall--2015|Randall, 2015]] ); and Indigenous Peoples and forest-dwelling communities ( [[#Galappaththi--2020|Galappaththi et al., 2020]] ). Frequently living without social safety nets, such as health care and formal education, these uncounted or ‘missing millions’ are vulnerable to problems associated with acute and chronic poverty, such as the spread of infectious disease and malnutrition ( [[#Ezeh--2017|Ezeh et al., 2017]] ). Because these ‘missing’ populations are not counted, they are frequently not a part of planning ( [[#Carr-Hill--2013|Carr-Hill, 2013]] ), including adaptation planning. In any particular national context, these missing populations may represent a small fraction of the population (about 5% in South Asian countries), however cumulatively hundreds of millions of people may be missing from official estimates ( [[#Carr-Hill--2013|Carr-Hill, 2013]] ). Over the last decade, techniques for estimating the locations, numbers and socioeconomic status of missing populations have moved beyond census and nationally representative household surveys, leveraging advances in satellite imagery ( [[#Kuffer--2016|Kuffer et al., 2016]] ; [[#Bennett--2017|Bennett and Smith, 2017]] ) and data from mobile digital devices ( [[#Jean--2016|Jean et al., 2016]] ; Xie et al., 2016; [[#Steele--2017|Steele et al., 2017]] ).

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'''Figure Box 8.1.1 |''' '''The global distribution of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) refugee and internally displaced people (IDP) settlements (as of 2018) overlaid on a gridded map of the days predicted to exceed safe temperature thresholds for human health in the coming decades (2041–2060 under SSP2 8.5).''' Semi-circles indicate the presence of refugee and IDP camps in grid cells, with darker semi-circles depicting increasingly dense concentrations of settlements. Darker background colors indicate increasingly unsafe conditions. Regions of concern include the southern edge of the Sahel, and the northern edge of the Levant

Box 8.1

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'''Box 8.2 | Livelihood strategies of internally displaced atoll communities in Yap'''
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On Yap Island in the Federated States of Micronesia, displaced atoll communities have been under considerable pressure due to climate change. This is because of the island’s vulnerability, as a result of its weak economic status, and the little access it has to technologies that may support adaptation efforts. This trend is seen in many SIDS (see also Chapter 15). On small islands and remote atolls where resources are often limited, recognising the starting point for action is critical to maximising benefits from adaptation. They do not have uniform climate risk profiles, and not all adaptations are equally appropriate in all contexts ( [[#Nurse--2014|Nurse et al., 2014]] ) ( ''high confidence'' ).

The recurrences of natural hazards (e.g., El Niño-driven tropical storms, associated coastal erosion and saltwater or seasonal droughts leading to water scarcity) and crises threaten food and nutrition security through impacts on traditional agriculture, leading to income losses and causing the forced migration of coastal communities to highlands in search of better living conditions. As many of the projected climate change impacts are unavoidable, implementing some degree of adaptation becomes crucial for enhancing food and nutrition security, strengthening livelihoods, preventing poverty traps and increasing the resilience of coastal communities to future climate risks ( [[#Krishnapillai--2018|Krishnapillai, 2018]] ).

With support from the US Department of Agriculture and the US agency for International Development, the Cooperative Research and Extension wing of the College of Micronesia- Federated States of Micronesia Yap Campus has been providing outreach, technical assistance and extension education to regain food and nutrition security and stability. They have done this by improving the soil and cultivating community vegetable gardens, as well as indigenous trees and traditional crops. This programme implemented a three-pronged adaptation model to boost household and community resilience under harsh conditions on a degraded landscape, hence addressing poverty risks and promoting more sustainable livelihoods (Meyer and Jose, 2017).

The following three strategies: (a) gender-focused capacity development on soil health management, (b) good practices in sustainable land management (SLM) and (c) income-generation activities were employed to mitigate crop production losses and increase resilience to climate-influenced hazard events within the 258 ha of degraded lands in Gargey Village.

The project first focused on increasing the capacity development for 1100 residents of Gargey Village, including women and youth, in order to create a base of community knowledge for soil health management. Training on soil health management including the following: use of cover crops and improved fallow, legumes, composting and agroforestry systems, mulching, minimum tillage and contour farming, as well as altering production practices (planting time, spacing, pest and disease treatment, harvesting time), alternative crop production methods (container gardening, raised-bed gardening, small-plot intensive farming), hands-on training on compost preparation and seed germination.

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Box 8.2

'''Dissemination and use of good practices in sustainable land management'''
Following capacity building, the project trained villagers in the use of SLM practices to further soil resilience during ongoing and acute precipitation events. The SLM practices focused on volcanic soil management and compost preparation and use, along with the planting of native trees and crops. The protective soil cover was improved through cover crops, crop residues or mulch, and crop diversification through rotations. Local salt-tolerant crop varieties were introduced. Seed packets and seedlings were distributed to ensure a continuous supply of resilient traditional plants and to provide for sustainable post-disaster recovery.

'''Income-generation activities'''
The project also included training to increase the incomes of households by training household members in the cultivation of vegetables using various alternative crop production methods. Households were then able to sell their vegetables in the local markets.

Less hunger and more cash from leafy vegetables is a concept adopted at the household level to not only reduce poverty, but also to empower displaced communities to address the issue of malnutrition. Practices include growing a variety of nutritious vegetables as part of a large crop portfolio and using alternative crop production methods, such as small-plot intensive farming using container gardening or raised-bed gardening ( [[#Krishnapillai--2014|Krishnapillai and Gavenda, 2014]] ). In addition, focusing efforts on increasing the sustainable production of staple crops confers significant nutritional benefits.

More households in the settlements are consuming vegetables since home gardeners started harvesting regularly and sharing their produce with extended families or selling them to generate income. The location-specific, community-based adaptation model improved food and nutrition security and livelihoods ( [[#Krishnapillai--2017|Krishnapillai, 2017]] ). People can access more nutritious and reliable food sources, and they are growing their own food and selling their surplus, creating new optimism about their future.

The climate-smart agriculture (CSA) package increased land cover by more than 50% within Gargey Village. This includes the planting of 42 varieties of native trees and crops. Current major crops that are being successfully grown at this location include coconut, breadfruit, mango, noni, chestnut, pineapple, sugarcane, land taro, tapioca and sweet potato. There have been additional benefits in terms of improvement in water availability. These activities have directly benefited the resilience and food security of more than 1000 residents in Gargey Village, and lessons learnt from this project have helped to scale up similar projects at three locations in Yap that have experienced equivalent climate-damaging processes.

Overall, this case study illustrates the benefits of promoting resilient crop production in Gargey Village, as an example of displaced atoll communities. Innovative and sustainable CSA strategies have offered broader insights and lessons for enhancing adaptive capacity and resilience, on a degraded landscape. The coherent strategies and methods employed have strengthened livelihood opportunities by improving access to services, knowledge and resources. By its concurrent focus on enhancing food security through traditional crops, coupled with nutrient-rich vegetables, promoting rainwater harvesting systems and water conservation, and promoting resilient household livelihood opportunities, atoll communities brought together crucial elements needed to reduce vulnerabilities and to better cope with disasters and climate extremes, while embracing the traditional culture. The location-specific yet knowledge-intensive CSA methods deployed, offered opportunities for atoll communities to revitalise themselves, overcoming barriers while adjusting to new landscapes.

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