Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-12 (section)

== Frequently Asked Questions ==

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=== FAQ 12.1 | How are inequality and poverty limiting options to adapt to climate change in Central and South America? ===

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''Poverty and inequality decrease human capacity to adapt to climate change. Limited access to resources may reduce the ability of individuals, households and societies to adapt to the impacts of climate change and variability because of the narrow response portfolio. Inequality limits responses available to vulnerable segments as most adaptation options are resource-dependent.''

Though poverty in Central and South America has decreased over the last 12 years, inequality remains as a historic and structural characteristic of the region. In 2018, 29.5% of Latin America’s population (including Mexico) were poor (182 million) and 10.2% were extremely poor (63 million), more than half of them living in urban areas. In 2020, due to COVID crisis Gini coefficient projection of increases is ranging from 1.1% to 7.8%, poverty increased to 33.7% (209 millions) and extreme poverty to 12.5% (78 millions).

Poor populations have little or no access to good-quality education, information, health systems and financial services. They have fewer chances to access resources, such as land and water, good-quality housing, risk-reducing infrastructure, and services, such as running water, sanitation and drainage. Their lack of political clout and endowments limits their access to assets for withstanding and recovering from shocks and stresses. Poverty, inequality and high vulnerability to the impacts of climate change are interrelated processes. Poor populations are highly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and are usually located in areas of high exposure to extreme events. The constant loss of assets and livelihoods in both urban and rural areas drives communities into chronic poverty traps, exacerbating local poverty cycles and creating new ones.

For instance, climate-related reduced yields in crops, fisheries and aquaculture have a substantial impact on the livelihoods and food security of families and affect their options for coping with and adapting to climate change and variability. The impact of climate change in agriculture for CSA depends on determinants such as the availability of natural resources, access to markets, diversity of inputs and production methods, quality and coverage of infrastructure and socioeconomic characteristics of the population. Impacts from climate change on small-scale farmers compromise the livelihoods and food security of rural areas and, consequently, the food supply for urban areas.

Governments in the region have implemented several poverty-reduction programmes. However, policies of income redistribution and poverty alleviation do not necessarily improve climate risk management, so complementary policies integrating both social and material conditions are required. A study in northern Brazil showed that risk management strategies for droughts and food insecurity did not change poverty rates between 1997–1998 and 2011–2012. Major shocks, such as climate and extreme weather events (e.g., floods, heavy rains, droughts, frost), reduce and destroy public and private property. For instance, the ENSO event of 2017 in Peru caused losses estimated between USD 6 and 9 billion, affected more than a million inhabitants and generated 370,000 new poor. In total, losses by unemployment, deaths, destruction and damage to infrastructure and houses were around 1.3% of the GDP of Peru.

Low government spending on social infrastructure (e.g., health, education), ethnic discrimination and social exclusion reduce healthcare access, leaving poor people in entire regions mostly undiagnosed or untreated. In a context of privatisation policies of healthcare systems, research shows that marginal people lack identifying documents needed to access public services in Buenos Aires (Argentina), Mexico City (Mexico) and Santiago de Chile (Chile), some of the most developed cities in the region. The consequences of this situation are underreporting, low diagnosis and low treatment of diseases such as vector-borne diseases such as dengue and risk of diarrhoeal diseases originating from frequent flooding in Amazonian riverine communities. Bias in reporting on access to healthcare and the incidence of diseases in marginal populations is usually region-dependent. For example, in Brazil’s Amazonian north in 2018, there were 2.2 medical doctors per 1000 inhabitants, while 4.95 medical doctors per 1000 inhabitants and 9.52 doctors in São Paulo and Santa Catarina respectively. Another example is pregnant women in remote Amazonian municipalities, who receive less prenatal care than women in urban areas. These social inequities underlie systemic biases in health data quality, hindering reliable estimation of disease burdens such as the distribution of disease or birth and death registrations. For example, in Guatemala, alternative Indigenous healthcare systems are responding to local needs in Mayan communities. However, this remains unrecognised. The existence of health institutions based on IK can reinforce the lack of universal coverage by central government healthcare, addressing the miscalculation of morbidity, mortality and cause of death among disadvantaged groups.

Inequality, informality and precariousness are particularly relevant barriers to adaptation. A significant part of the construction sector in the region is informal and does not follow regulations for land use and construction safety codes, and there is a lack of public strategies for housing access. Adaptive construction is based on up-to-date regulation and codes, appropriate design and materials, and access to infrastructure and services. Decreasing inequality and eradicating poverty are crucial for achieving proper adaptation to climate change in the region. Some anti-poverty initiatives, such as savings groups, microfinance for improving housing or assets and community enterprises, may also support specific adaptive measures. These mechanisms should be widely accessible to poor groups and be complemented by comprehensive poverty alleviation programmes that include climate-change adaptation.

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=== FAQ 12.2 | How have urban areas in Central and South America adapted to climate change so far, which further actions should be considered within the next decades and what are the limits of adaptation and sustainability? ===

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''Cities are becoming focal points for climate-change impacts. Rapid urbanisation in CSA, together with accelerating demand for housing, resource supplies and social and health services, has put pressure on the already stretched physical and social infrastructure. In addition, migration is negatively affecting the opportunities of cities to adapt to climate change.''

CSA is the second most urbanised region in the world after North America, with 81% of its population being urban. In addition, 129 secondary cities with 500,000 inhabitants are home to half of the region’s urban population (222 million). Another 65 million people live in megacities of over 10 million each. The population migrates among cities, resulting in more secondary cities and creating mega regions and urban corridors.

Rapid growth in cities has increased the urban informal housing sector (e.g., slums, marginal human settlements and others), which increased from 6% to 26% of the total residences from 1990 to 2015. Coastal areas in CSA increasingly concentrate more urban centres. Researchers indicate that between 3 and 4 million inhabitants will experience coastal flooding and erosion from SLR in all emission scenarios by 2100 considering South America alone.

A study on cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants showed that the number of coastal cities significantly increased from 42 to 420 between 1945 and 2014; they are located close to fragile ecosystems such as bays, estuaries and mangrove forests, resulting in higher concentrations of population and economic activities. This process degraded the ability of coastal ecosystems, such as mangroves, to reduce risks and provide essential ecosystem services, which help to prevent coastal erosion or maintain fish stocks. Moreover, it reduced ports and tourism, along with income opportunities.

Climate-change impacts on cities in CSA are strongly influenced by ENSO, which is associated with an increase in more-extreme rainfall events. Urban areas are increasingly dealing with floods, landslides, storms, TCs, water stress, fires, spread of vector-borne and infectious diseases, damaging infrastructure, economic activities, built and natural environments and the population’s overall well-being.

Glacier retreat in the mountains will affect water runoff and water provision to metropolitan areas such as Lima, La Paz, Quito and Santiago, which rely on rivers that originate in the high Andes. Lima, the second driest capital city in the world, is vulnerable to drought and heavy rain peak events associated with climate change. In Bogota, lower precipitation levels and a tendency towards increasing extreme events are expected in the coming decades. Hence, the protection of fragile ecosystems such as paramo (fields at 3000 to 4000 MASL) will be crucial for supplying water to the city.

SLR impacts cities located in LECZs, not only because of direct coastal flooding, coastal erosion and subsidence, but also because it aggravates the impact of storm surges, heat wave energy and saltwater intrusion. In Suriname and Guyana 68% and 31% of the population respectively live below 5 MASL, while many sectors of Georgetown, the capital of Guyana, are below sea level. Floods with increased frequency and severity of storm surges will also impact the River Plate estuary and lower delta of the Parana River where metropolitan Buenos Aires is located.

Over 80% of losses associated with climate-related risks are concentrated in urban areas, and between 40% and 70% of losses occur in cities with less than 100,000 inhabitants, most likely as a result of limited capacities to manage disaster risks and low levels of investment.

Despite consistent political and economic barriers, many cities in the region have adopted sustainable local development agendas, which work to bring about balanced urban development. The shortcomings of poor development patterns remain prominently on display in cities and present important obstacles to adaptation investment, as public investment in basic needs (mainly housing and sanitation) must be prioritised.

Cities struggle to address the immediate needs of their population while addressing longer-term needs associated with climate adaptation, emissions reduction and sustainable development. Some cities are moving forward to transformative adaptation, addressing drivers of vulnerability, building robust systems and anticipating impacts. Besides government-led adaptation planning and action, individuals, communities and enterprises have been incrementally adapting to climate change autonomously over time. Municipalities from Argentina, Peru, Chile, Equator, Brazil and Costa Rica are developing and implementing their Local Climate Action Plans, experimenting with and revealing best practices in adaptation. Both anticipatory adaptation measures—choosing safe locations, building structurally safe houses, choosing elevated places to store valuables, building on stilts—and reactive adaptation measures are used, the latter incorporating measures such as relocation, slope stabilisation, afforestation and greening of riverbanks. With variations, these cities have included mechanisms to work across sectors and actors on the understanding that it is collective planning and actions that will ensure that long-term programmes continue independently of particular city administrations.

Cities are interconnected systems operating beyond administrative boundaries. Improved collaboration and coordination are needed for integrated responses. Aside from good planning, cities need access to external adaptation funds. Climate-change adaptation requires long-term funding and investments, which are beyond cyclical political considerations. It is crucial to rethink how to ensure that international adaptation funds will reach cities and innovate. For example, member cities of Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate &amp; Energy in the region, together with Cities for Life Forum in Peru, the Red Argentina de Municipios por el Cambio Climático (RAMCC), the Capital Cities of the Americas facing Climate Change (CC35) and others, are pursuing this goal and applying directly for international grants. New funding sources are required to help local governments and civil society. Cities and locally driven adaptation initiatives can be funded by national governments and international organisations.

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=== FAQ 12.3 | How do climatic events and conditions affect migration and displacement in Central and South America, will this change due to climate change, and how can communities adapt? ===

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''Migration and displacements associated with climatic hazards are becoming more frequent in CSA, and they are expected to continue to increase. These complex processes require comprehensive actions in their places of origin and reception, to improve both adaptation in more affected places and the conditions of mobilisation.''

The migration, voluntary and involuntary, of individuals, families and groups is common in CSA. People migrate nationally and internationally, temporarily or permanently, predominantly from rural areas—often immersed in poverty—to urban areas. Common social drivers of migration in the region are the economy, politics, land tenure and land management change, lack of access to markets, lack of infrastructure, and violence; environmental drivers include loss of water, crops and livestock, land degradation and sudden or gradual onset of climate hazards.

The increasing frequency and magnitude of droughts, tropical storms, hurricanes and heavy rains producing landslides and floods have amplified internal movements, overall rural to urban. For instance, rural-to-urban migration in northern Brazil and international migration from Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador to North America are partly a consequence of prolonged droughts, which have increased the stress of food availability in these highly impoverished regions. Diminished access to water is also a result of privatisation of that resource. In CA, the majority of migrants are young men, reducing the labour force in their places of origin. However, the migrants send back substantial amounts of money, which have become the main source of foreign exchange for their countries and the main source of income for their families.

Because poor people have fewer resources to adapt to changing conditions, they are usually the most impacted by climate hazards since they are already struggling to survive under normal conditions. These populations are the most likely to migrate, chiefly because of the loss of their livelihoods, their precarious housing and settlements and the lack of money and international aid. Other important factors are the minimal governmental support and assistance through social safety nets and extension services, the scarcity and low quality of education and health services, their isolation and marginality and the insecurity of land rights. These same conditions, though, may hinder their mobility or even render them immobile. Nevertheless, in some cases, despite worsening conditions, people decide not to move.

The magnitude and frequency of droughts and hurricanes are projected to keep increasing by 2050, which may force millions of people to leave their homes. Climate models show some dry regions becoming even dryer in the coming decades, increasing the stress on small farmers who rely on rainfall to water their fields. Glacier retreat and water scarcity are becoming strong drivers of migration in the Andes. SLR affects activities such as fishing and tourism, which will foster further migration. In Brazil, at least 0.9 million more people will migrate interregionally under future climate conditions.

Addressing migration and displacement requires diverse interventions: in dry regions it is recommended to improve water management in the places of origin of migration, including storage, distribution and irrigation. Wet regions, lowlands and floodplains will benefit from preventing construction in areas prone to landslides and flooding. Government and international aid are also important for improving people’s options to adapt and enhance their resilience to climate impacts. In northern Brazil, for example, government financial support has significantly reduced drought-related migration. There exists between Guatemala and Canada a temporary migration programme to bring in migrant workers during the harvest season. The United States is also increasing these types of legal temporary migration.

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=== FAQ 12.4 | How is climate change impacting and how is it expected to impact food production in Central and South America in the next 30 years, and what effective adaptation strategies are and can be adopted in the region? ===

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''Agriculture is a fundamental sector in the development of societies from economic and social perspectives, and so it is a major component of CSA countries’ adaptive strategies. Implementation of sustainable agriculture practices, such as improved management on native grasslands or agroforestry systems for crop and livestock production, can increase productivity while improving adaptability.''

Over the last two decades, countries throughout CSA have been developing rapidly. The agricultural sector is fundamental to this development from economic and social perspectives. Some countries in the region are major global food exporters:

* Corn: three of the top 10 exporters are Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay;
* Soybean exports: Brazil and Argentina are among the top 5 and Paraguay and Bolivia rank in the top 12;
* Coffee exports: 5 of the top 10 export countries are Brazil, Colombia, Honduras, Peru and Guatemala;
* Fruits: 2 of the top 10 fresh fruit exporting countries are Chile and Ecuador;
* Fishmeal exports globally are led by Peru, Chile and Ecuador;
* Beef: four of the top exporting countries are from this region: Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay.

CSA is among the regions with the highest potential to increase food supplies, particularly to more densely populated regions in Asia, the Middle East and Europe. A better understanding of the impact of the economy on the environment and the contribution of the environment to the economy is critical for identifying opportunities for innovation and promoting activities that could lead to sustainable economic growth without depleting natural resources and increasing sensitivity to climate change and climate variability. The consideration of food as a commodity instead of a common resource leads to the accumulation of underpriced food resources at the expense of natural capital. Without serious emissions reduction measures, climate models project an average 1°C to 4°C increase in maximum temperatures and a 30% decrease in rainfall up to 2050, across CSA. Tropical SA is projected to warm at higher rates than the southern part of SA. Given these circumstances, some regions in CSA (Andes region and CA) will just meet or fall below the critical food supply/demand ratio for their population. Meanwhile, the temperate southern-most region of SA is projected to have agricultural production surplus. The challenge for this region will be to retain the ability to feed and adequately nourish its internal population as well as make an important contribution to food supplies available to the rest of the world.

The NDCs of most CSA countries expressly include agriculture as a major component of their adaptive strategy. From the recommendations presented, five general adaptive themes, or imperatives, emerge: (a) inclusion of climate-change projections as a key element for ministries of agriculture and research institutes in their decision-making processes, (b) support of research on and adoption of drought- and heat-tolerant crop varieties, (c) promotion of sustainable irrigation as an effective adaptive strategy, (d) recovery of degraded lands and sustainable intensification of agriculture to prevent further deforestation, and (e) implementation of climate-smart practices and technologies to increase productivity while improving adaptability.

Climate-smart practices provide a framework to operationalise actions aimed at understanding synergies among productivity, adaptation and mitigation. A significant amount of evidence supports the potential for climate-smart-practice technologies to produce such triple wins as natural pastoral systems in the southern region of SA. Such systems allow for the combination of food production and environmental sustainability. The production of meat based on native grasslands with grazing management that optimises forage allowance can achieve high production levels while providing multiple ecosystem benefits. Optimal forage allowance means offering animals enough forage in order to meet requirements while avoiding overgrazing. This management practice simultaneously increases productivity, reduces GHG emissions while improving soil carbon sequestration and minimises other environmental impacts such as excess of nutrients, fossil-based energy use and biodiversity loss. Pastoral farming systems that manage grazing and feeding efficiently are an example of the integration of food security, environmental conservation and nature-based adaptation to climate change.

Agroforestry systems are present in the tropical region of CSA. Trees are present in a large part of the agricultural landscape of this region, either dispersed or in lines, supporting the production of coffee, cocoa, fruits, pastures and livestock in various agroforestry configurations. In CA, shade-grown coffee reduces weed control and improves the quality and taste of the product. Agroforestry uses nitrogen-fixing trees ( ''Leguminosae'' ), such as ''Leucaena'' in Colombia and ''Inga'' in Brazil, to restore soil nitrogen fertility. Tropical forest soils are generally nutrient-poor and unsuited to long-term agricultural use. Land converted to agriculture by cutting and burning natural vegetation tends to remain productive for only a few years. Agroforestry and so-called silvopastoral systems, which incorporate trees into crop and livestock systems, have been shown to have a dramatic impact on the maintenance and restoration of long-term productivity in agricultural landscapes, including degraded and abandoned land. Agroforestry systems can provide major benefits through enhanced food security, stronger local economies and increased ecosystem services such as carbon storage, regulation of climate and water cycles, control of pests and diseases and maintenance of soil fertility. Because of these multiple goods and services, agroforestry practices are considered one of the key strategies for the development of climate-smart agriculture.

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=== FAQ 12.5 | How can Indigenous knowledge and practices contribute to adaptation initiatives in Central and South America? ===

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''Indigenous Peoples have knowledge systems and practices that allow them to adapt to many climatic changes. Adaptation initiatives based on IK and practices are more sustainable and legitimate among local communities. It is important to build effective and respectful partnerships among Indigenous and non–Indigenous researchers to co-produce climate-relevant knowledge to enhance adaptation planning and action in the region.''

There are 28 million Indigenous Peoples in CSA (around 6.6% of the total population of the region). They belong to more than 800 groups living in territories covering a wide range of ecosystems—from drylands to tropical rainforests to savannahs, coasts to mountains—and that share the land with many other cultural and ethnic groups. In the region, Indigenous Peoples are often categorised as groups that are highly vulnerable to climate change because they are frequently affected by socioeconomic inequalities and the dominance of external powers. They often experience internal and external pressures on their communal lands in the forms of pollution, oil and mining, industrial agriculture and urbanisation. On the other hand, it is important to recognise that Indigenous Peoples have knowledge systems and practices that allow them to adapt to many climatic changes. Increasing scientific evidence shows that adaptation initiatives based on Indigenous knowledge and practices are more sustainable and legitimate among local communities.

The wide range of adaptation practices based on IK in the region include, among others, increasing species and genetic diversity in agricultural systems through community seed exchanges; promotion of highly diverse crop systems; ancient systems to collect and conserve water; fire prevention strategies; observing and monitoring changes in communal ecological–agricultural calendar cycles; recognising changes in ecological indicators like migration patterns in birds, the behaviour of insects and other invertebrates and the phenology of fruit and flowering species; and systematisation and knowledge exchange among communities. These practices represent a valuable cultural and biological heritage.

The Kichwa in the Ecuadorian Amazon cultivate Chakras (plots) within the rainforest. These plots combine crops and medicinal herbs for both self-consumption and selling. Similar systems, like the Chakras in the high Andes, the Milpas in CA, and the Conucos in northern SA, have been resilient to social and environmental disturbances due to their outstanding agrobiodiversity (more than 40 species and varieties can be present in one plot), microhabitat management and the associated knowledge and institutions.

Traditional fire management among Indigenous Peoples of Venezuela, Brazil and Guyana is another adaptation strategy based on a fine-tuned understanding of environmental indicators associated with their culture and worldviews. In these countries, Indigenous lands have the lowest incidence of wildfires, significantly contributing to maintaining and enhancing biodiversity. These traditional practices have helped to prevent large-scale and destructive wildfires, reducing the risks posed by rising temperature and dryness due to climate change.

The traditional agriculture of Mapuche Indigenous Peoples in Chile includes a series of practices that result in a system that is more resilient to climate and non-climate stressors. Practices include water management, native seed conservation and exchange with other producers (trafkintu), crop rotation, polyculture and tree–crop association. Similar practices can be found in Mayan communities in Guatemala at the other end of the sub-continent.

Despite the increasing recognition and integration of IK in adaptation practices and policies in the region, important barriers for a more effective and transformative integration remain. Some of the most relevant barriers include limited participation of Indigenous Peoples and local communities in adaptation planning and the lack of sufficient consideration of non-climatic socioeconomic drivers of vulnerability such as poverty and inequality. Also, scientific knowledge is commonly prioritised over traditional IKLK. However, some transformative efforts are emerging. Bolivian Indigenous organisations represent a notable example by contesting normative conceptions of development as economic growth and replacing them with more comprehensive views like harmony with Mother Earth and ‘Sumak Kawsay’ or ‘Good Living’.

Several strategies have been proposed to overcome existing barriers, including building effective and respectful partnerships among Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers, co-producing climate-change-relevant knowledge and recognising Indigenous Peoples as active participants in the continual development of autonomous strategies to preserve their practices, beliefs and knowledge. The implementation of these and other strategies can significantly enhance adaptation planning and action in the region.

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