Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Cross-Chapter-Paper-2 (section)

=== CCP2.4.1 Enabling Behavioural Change ===

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Changing behaviours and practices are a critical enabler of adaptation in coastal C&amp;S. Behavioural enablers include using economic, informational, sociocultural and psychological incentives to motivate adaptation actions ( [[#van%20Valkengoed--2019|van Valkengoed and Steg, 2019]] ; [[#Gibbs--2020|Gibbs, 2020]] ), for example leveraging Indigenous knowledge and local knowledge (IKLK) and religious beliefs to incentivise adaptation ( [[#Hiwasaki--2014|Hiwasaki et al., 2014]] ; [[#Ford--2015|Ford et al., 2015]] ), implementing subsidies/bans to incentivise sustainable aquaculture ( [[#Condie--2014|Condie et al., 2014]] ; [[#Krause--2020|Krause et al., 2020]] ), providing localised flood warnings and forecasts to inform individual risk perceptions and risk management ( [[#Bruine%20de%20Bruin--2014|Bruine de Bruin et al., 2014]] ; [[#Gibbs--2020|Gibbs, 2020]] ) or incentivise risk insurance ( [[#Bradt--2019|Bradt, 2019]] ).

There is ''high evidence'' with ''medium agreement'' that public attitudes and perceptions of climate risks significantly influence individual adaptation behaviour across all coastal archetypes ( [[#Bradt--2019|Bradt, 2019]] ; [[#Buchanan--2019|Buchanan et al., 2019]] ; [[#Javeline--2019|Javeline et al., 2019]] ). Information on climate risks and impacts (e.g., flood warnings, SLR projections) strongly shapes public perceptions of climate risks. It is most effective at incentivising and enabling adaptation behaviour if provided on meaningful spatial and temporal scales, with guidance about how to interpret the information ( ''medium evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ; [[#Gibbs--2020|Gibbs, 2020]] ; [[#Cools--2016|Cools et al., 2016]] ). Further, there is ''medium evidence'' , ''high agreement'' that integrating climate information with existing knowledge systems, such as local norms and beliefs and IKLK, is critical to improve public acceptability and develop context-specific solutions ( [[#Ford--2015|Ford et al., 2015]] ).

A second key enabler of coastal adaptation behaviour is self-efficacy or belief in one’s capacity to undertake adaptation. There is ''medium evidence'' , ''high agreement'' that high risk perception is in itself insufficient to motivate people to undertake adaptation ( [[#Fox-Rogers--2016|Fox-Rogers et al., 2016]] ; [[#Roder--2019|Roder et al., 2019]] ; [[#Gibbs--2020|Gibbs, 2020]] ) and needs to be supplemented with supportive policy and financial provisions to enable adaptation ( [[#Fox-Rogers--2016|Fox-Rogers et al., 2016]] ).

Third, there is ''medium evidence'' on how trust in state-led, planned adaptation measures can hinder or enable individual adaptation ( [[#van%20Valkengoed--2019|van Valkengoed and Steg, 2019]] ; [[#Schneider--2020|Schneider et al., 2020]] ). As an enabler, trust in early warnings can mitigate flood risk by incentivising evacuation ( [[#Binh--2020|Binh et al., 2020]] ) and high trust can help overcome uncertainty attached to projected climate impacts and/or adaptation decisions ( [[#Frederiksen--2014|Frederiksen, 2014]] ). As a barrier, low trust can disincentivise adaptation, for example willingness to pay for flood insurance ( [[#Roder--2019|Roder et al., 2019]] ) or public support for managed retreat ( [[#Hanna--2020|Hanna et al., 2020]] ). Paradoxically, high trust in existing adaptation measures can reduce people’s perceived need for ongoing adaptation (e.g., levees potentially reducing individual flood-proofing actions). Adaptation decisions also manifest ‘single-action bias’, with modest cost-adaptation actions in the present disincentivising further adaptation ( [[#Buchanan--2019|Buchanan et al., 2019]] ).

Several tools to incentivise adaptation behaviour are being tested around the world. For example, nudges and boosts [[#footnote-000|3]] are being experimented with to shape individual risk beliefs and the demand for flood insurance ( [[#Bradt--2019|Bradt, 2019]] ); ordinances are being used to ban, authorise or limit certain activities ( [[#Herrick--2018|Herrick, 2018]] ); subsidies and financial support are being used to incentivise adaptation such as subsidised beach nourishment ( [[#McNamara--2015|McNamara et al., 2015]] ); and zoning restrictions and building codes restrict or guide climate-resilient infrastructural development ( [[#Schneider--2020|Schneider et al., 2020]] ). Overall, the literature affirms that behavioural interventions are more readily taken up if they are aligned with cultural practices, norms and beliefs; are on temporal scales within peoples’ planning horizons; and if they build upon relationships of trust and legitimacy ( [[#Donner--2014|Donner and Webber, 2014]] ; [[#Herrick--2018|Herrick, 2018]] ; [[#Schneider--2020|Schneider et al., 2020]] ).

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