Editing IPCC:AR6/WGIII/Chapter-13 (section)

== Executive Summary ==

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'''Long-term deep emission reductions, including the reduction of emissions to net zero, is best achieved through institutions and governance that nurture new mitigation policies, while at the same time reconsidering existing policies that support continued Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' To do so effectively, the scope of climate governance should include both direct efforts to target GHG emissions and indirect opportunities to tackle GHG emissions that result from efforts directed towards other policy objectives. {13.2, 13.5, 13.6, 13.7, 13.9}

'''Institutions and governance underpin mitigation by providing the legal basis for action. This includes setting up implementing organisations and the frameworks through which diverse actors interact (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' Institutions can create mitigation and sectoral policy instruments; policy packages for low-carbon system transition; and economy-wide measures for systemic restructuring. {13.2, 13.7, 13.9}

'''Policies have had a discernible impact on mitigation for specific countries, sectors, and technologies (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' '''),''' '''avoiding emissions of several GtCO''' 2 '''-eq y''' '''r''' –1 '''(''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''medium agreement''''' ''')''' '''''.''''' Both market-based and regulatory policies have distinct, but complementary roles. The share of global GHG emissions subject to mitigation policy has increased rapidly in recent years, but big gaps remain in policy coverage, and the stringency of many policies falls short of what is needed to achieve strong mitigation outcomes ( ''robust evidence, high agreement'' ) ''.'' {13.6, Cross-Chapter Box 10 in Chapter 14}

'''Climate laws enable mitigation action by signalling the direction of travel, setting targets, mainstreaming mitigation into sector policies, enhancing regulatory certainty, creating law-backed agencies, creating focal points for social mobilisation, and attracting international finance''' ( ''medium evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ). By 2020, ‘direct’ climate laws primarily focused on GHG reductions were present in 56 countries covering 53% of global emissions, while more than 690 laws, including ‘indirect’ laws, may also have an effect on mitigation. Among direct laws, ‘framework’ laws set an overarching legal basis for mitigation either by pursuing a target and implementation approach, or by seeking to mainstream climate objectives through sectoral plans and integrative institutions. {13.2}

'''Institutions can enable improved governance by coordinating across sectors, scales and actors, building consensus for action, and setting strategies (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' Institutions are more stable and effective when they are congruous with national context, leading to mitigation-focused institutions in some countries and the pursuit of multiple objectives in others. Sub-national institutions play a complementary role to national institutions by developing locally-relevant visions and plans, addressing policy gaps or limits in national institutions, building local administrative structures and convening actors for place-based decarbonisation. {13.2}

'''Sub-national actors are important for mitigation because municipalities and regional governments have jurisdiction over climate-relevant sectors such as land-use, waste and urban policy; are able to experiment with climate solutions; and can forge partnerships with the private sector and internationally to leverage enhanced climate action (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' More than 10,500 cities and nearly 250 regions representing more than 2 billion people have pledged largely voluntary action to reduce emissions. Indirect gains include innovation, establishing norms and developing capacity. However, sub-national actors often lack national support, funding, and capacity to mobilise finance and human resources, and create new institutional competences. {13.5}

'''Climate governance is constrained and enabled by domestic structural factors, but it is still possible for actors to make substantial changes (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' Key structural factors are domestic material endowments (such as fossil fuels and land-based resources); domestic political systems; and prevalent ideas, values and belief systems. Developing countries face additional material constraints in climate governance due to development challenges and scarce economic or natural resources. a broad group of actors influence how climate governance develop over time, including a range of civic organisations, encompassing both pro-and anti-climate action groups ''.'' {13.3, 13.4}

'''Mitigation strategies, instruments and policies that fit with dominant ideas, values and belief systems within a country or within a sector are more easily adopted and implemented (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''medium agreement''''' ''')''' '''''.''''' Ideas, values and beliefs may change over time. Policies that bring perceived direct benefits, such as subsidies, usually receive greater support. The awareness of co-benefits for the public increases support of climate policies ( ''robust evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ). {13.2, 13.3, 13.4}

'''Climate litigation is growing and can affect the outcome and ambition of climate governance (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' Since 2015, at least 37 systemic cases have been initiated against states that challenge the overall effort of a state to mitigate or adapt to climate change. If successful, such cases can lead to an increase in a country’s overall ambition to tackle climate change. Climate litigation has also successfully challenged governments’ authorisations of high-emitting projects setting precedents in favour of climate action. Climate litigation against private sector and financial institutions is also on the rise. {13.4}

'''The media shapes the public discourse about climate mitigation. This can usefully build public support to accelerate mitigation action, but may also be used to impede decarbonisation (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' Global media coverage (across a study of 59 countries) has been growing, from about 47,000 stories in 2016–2017 to about 87,000 in 2020–2021. Generally, the media representation of climate science has increased and become more accurate over time. On occasion, the propagation of scientifically misleading information by organised counter-movements has fuelled polarisation, with negative implications for climate policy. {13.4}

'''Explicit attention to equity and justice is salient to both social acceptance and fair and effective policymaking for mitigation (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''')''' '''''.''''' Distributional implications of alternative climate policy choices can be usefully evaluated at city, local and national scales as an input to policymaking. Institutions and governance frameworks that enable consideration of justice and just transitions are likely to build broader support for climate policymaking ''.'' {13.2, 13.6, 13.8, 13.9}

'''Carbon pricing is effective in promoting implementation of low-cost emissions reductions (''' '''''robust evidence, high agreement''''' ''')''' '''''.''''' While the coverage of emissions trading and carbon taxes has risen to over 20% of global CO 2 emissions, both coverage and price are lower than is needed for deep reductions. The design of market mechanisms should be effective as well as efficient, balance distributional goals and find social acceptance. Practical experience has driven progress in market mechanism design, especially of emissions trading schemes ( ''robust evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ). Carbon pricing is limited in its effect on adoption of higher-cost mitigation options, and where decisions are often not sensitive to price incentives such as in energy efficiency, urban planning, and infrastructure ( ''robust evidence'' , ''medium agreement'' ). Subsidies have been used to improve energy efficiency, encourage the uptake of renewable energy and other sector-specific emissions saving options ( ''robust evidence'' , ''high agr'' ''eement'' ) ''.'' {13.6}

'''Regulatory instruments play an important role in achieving specific mitigation outcomes in sectoral applications (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''')''' '''''.''''' Regulation is effective in particular applications and often enjoys greater political support, but tends to be more economically costly, than pricing instruments ( ''robust evidence'' , ''medium agreement'' ) ''.'' Flexible forms of regulation (for example, performance standards) have achieved aggregate goals for renewable energy generation, vehicle efficiency and fuel standards, and energy efficiency in buildings and industry ( ''robust evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ). Infrastructure investment decisions are significant for mitigation because they lock-in high- or low- emissions trajectories over long periods. Information and voluntary programmes can contribute to overall mitigation outcomes ( ''medium evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ) ''.'' Designing for overlap and interactions among mitigation policies enhances their effectiveness ( ''robust evidence'' , ''high agr'' ''eement'' ). {13.6}

'''Removing fossil fuel subsidies would reduce emissions, improve public revenue and macroeconomic performance, and yield other environmental and sustainable development benefits;''' subsidy removal may have adverse distributional impacts especially on the most economically vulnerable groups which, in some cases can be mitigated by measures such as redistributing revenue saved, all of which depend on national circumstances ( ''high confidence'' ); fossil fuel subsidy removal is projected by various studies (using alternative methodologies) to reduce global CO 2 emissions by 1–4%, and GHG emissions by up to 10% by 2030, varying across regions ( ''medium confidence'' ). {6.3, 13.6}

'''National mitigation policies interact internationally with effects that both support and hinder mitigation action (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''')''' '''''.''''' Reductions in demand for fossil fuels tend to negatively affect fossil fuel exporting countries ( ''medium evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ). Creation of markets for emission reduction credits tends to benefit countries able to supply credits. Policies to support technology development and diffusion tend to have positive spillover effects ( ''medium evidence'' , ''high agreement'' ). There is no consistent evidence of significant emissions leakage or competitiveness effects between countries, including for emissions-intensive trade-exposed industries covered by emission trading systems ( ''medium evidence'' , ''medium agr'' ''eement'' ) ''.'' {13.6}

'''Policy packages are better able to support socio-technical transitions and shifts in development pathways toward low-carbon futures than are individual policies (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' For best effect, they need to be harnessed to a clear vision for change and designed with attention to local governance context. Comprehensiveness in coverage, coherence to ensure complementarity, and consistency of policies with the overarching vision and its objectives are important design criteria. Integration across objectives occurs when a policy package is informed by a clear problem framing and identification of the full range relevant policy sub-systems. {13.7}

'''The co-benefits and trade-offs of integrating adaptation and mitigation are most usefully identified and assessed prior to policy making rather than being accidentally discovered (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' This requires strengthening relevant national institutions to reduce silos and overlaps, increasing knowledge exchange at the country and regional levels, and supporting engagement with bilateral and multilateral funding partners. Local governments are well placed to develop policies that generate social and environmental co-benefits but to do so require legal backing and adequate capacity and resources. {13.8}

'''Climate change mitigation is accelerated when attention is given to integrated policy and economy-wide approaches, and when enabling conditions (governance, institutions, behaviour, innovation, policy, and finance), are present (''' '''''robust evidence''''' ''',''' '''''medium agreement''''' ''').''' Accelerating climate mitigation includes simultaneously weakening high carbon systems and encouraging low-carbon systems; ensuring interaction between adjacent systems (e.g. energy and agriculture); overcoming resistance to policies (e.g., from incumbents in high carbon emitting industries), including by providing transitional support to the vulnerable and negatively affected by distributional impacts; inducing changes in consumer practices and routines; providing transition support; and addressing coordination challenges in policy and governance. {13.7, 13.9}

'''Economy-wide packages, including economic stimulus packages, can contribute to shifting sustainable development pathways and achieving net zero outcomes while meeting short term economic goals (''' '''''medium evidence''''' ''',''' '''''high agreement''''' ''').''' The 2008–2009 Global Recession showed that policies for sustained economic recovery go beyond short-term fiscal stimulus to include long-term commitments of public spending on the low-carbon economy; pricing reform; addressing affordability; and minimising distributional impacts. COVID-19 spurred stimulus packages and multi-objective recovery policies that may have the potential to meet short-term economic goals while enabling longer-term sustainability goals. {13.9}

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