Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-5 (section)

==== 5.4.2.3 Gender and other social inequities ====

<div id="h3-7-siblings" class="h3-siblings"></div>

Social inequities such as gender, ethnicity and income level, which vary by time and place and may overlap, can compound vulnerability to climate change for producers within cropping systems ( ''high confidence'' ) (Table 5.3, [[#Arora-Jonsson--2011|Arora-Jonsson, 2011]] ; [[#Djoudi--2013|Djoudi et al., 2013]] ; [[#Carr--2014|Carr and Thompson, 2014]] ; [[#Mbow--2019|Mbow et al., 2019]] ; [[#Rao--2019a|Rao et al., 2019a]] ; [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2020a|Nyantakyi-Frimpong, 2020a]] ). Rather than binary and static categories (i.e., men versus women), social vulnerabilities are dynamic and intersect; to understand vulnerability, the specific socio-cultural identities and political and environmental context need to be studied in relation to climate stress (Thompson- [[#Hall--2016|Hall et al., 2016]] ; [[#Rao--2019a|Rao et al., 2019a]] ; [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2020a|Nyantakyi-Frimpong, 2020a]] ).

'''Table 5.3 |''' Examples of social inequities in cropping systems that compound climate change vulnerability.

{| class="wikitable"
|-
! '''Social inequity'''

! '''How social inequity increases vulnerability to climate change in cropping systems'''

|-
| '''Gender inequity''' can create and worsen social vulnerability to climate change impacts within cropping systems ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Carr--2014|Carr and Thompson, 2014]] ; [[#Sugden--2014|Sugden et al., 2014]] ; [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2015|Nyantakyi-Frimpong and Bezner-Kerr, 2015]] ; [[#Rao--2019a|Rao et al., 2019a]] ; [[#Ebhuoma--2020|Ebhuoma et al., 2020]] ; [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2020a|Nyantakyi-Frimpong, 2020a]] ; see Cross-Chapter Box GENDER in Chapter 18).

| * Men and women have different access to and decision-making control over resources such as seeds, systemic differences in land tenure and agricultural employment, and their responsibilities, workloads and response to climate stresses differ due to systemic gender inequities and socio-cultural norms, which intersect with other inequities (e.g., income level, ethnicity) to compound vulnerability ( [[#Rao--2019a|Rao et al., 2019a]] ; [[#Ebhuoma--2020|Ebhuoma et al., 2020]] ; [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2020a|Nyantakyi-Frimpong, 2020a]] ).
* In a study in northern Ghana, for example, poor widows with poor health had fewer resources to rely on during droughts than married women, particularly those married to local leaders; in contrast, due to gendered expectations, during floods low-income men suffered greater consequences ( [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2020a|Nyantakyi-Frimpong, 2020a]] ).
* Adaptation strategies such as migration can compound that vulnerability, but importantly, the specific gendered vulnerability intersects with other inequities which are context specific ( [[#Sugden--2014|Sugden et al., 2014]] ; [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2020a|Nyantakyi-Frimpong, 2020a]] ; Cross-Chapter Box MIGRATE in Chapter 7).

|-
| Globally, '''smallholder food producers''' are more vulnerable than large-scale producers to climate change impacts ( ''high confidence'' ).

| * Smallholder food producers are more vulnerable in part because of limited policy, infrastructure and institutional support, low credit access, viable markets and limited political voice in policy debates ( [[#HLPE--2013|HLPE, 2013]] ; [[#Karttunen--2017|Karttunen et al., 2017]] ; [[#Mbow--2019|Mbow et al., 2019]] ; [[#Nyantakyi-Frimpong--2020a|Nyantakyi-Frimpong, 2020a]] ).
* Smallholder producers’ vulnerability may be increased by heavy reliance on one crop for income, particularly if the crop requires significant capital investments ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#Toufique--2014|Toufique and Belton, 2014]] ; [[#Craparo--2015|Craparo et al., 2015]] ; [[#Ovalle-Rivera--2015|Ovalle-Rivera et al., 2015]] ).
* For example, smallholder coffee producers in southern Mexico and Central America are more vulnerable due to a range of factors, including unstable and low coffee prices, limited institutional support for small-scale producers, low negotiation capacity and access to markets, and heavy reliance on one crop for income (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and System, 2014; [[#Ovalle-Rivera--2015|Ovalle-Rivera et al., 2015]] ; [[#Ruiz%20Meza--2015|Ruiz Meza, 2015]] ; [[#Hannah--2017|Hannah et al., 2017]] ; [[#Bacon--2021|Bacon et al., 2021]] ). Pest and disease outbreaks such as coffee leaf rust, extreme climatic events, ongoing conflict, poor governance and low viability of livelihoods increased migration and high levels of food insecurity for this group ( [[#Robalino--2015|Robalino et al., 2015]] ; [[#Hannah--2017|Hannah et al., 2017]] ; [[#Donatti--2019|Donatti et al., 2019]] ) which also varied by institutional- and farm-level responses, land size and income level ( [[#Quiroga--2020|Quiroga et al., 2020]] ; [[#Bacon--2021|Bacon et al., 2021]] ).

|-
| '''Farmworkers''' are another social group with heightened vulnerability to climate change ( ''medium confidence'' ).

| * Farmworkers often experience job insecurity, food insecurity, poor working conditions, poverty and social marginalisation. Climate change impacts can compound their vulnerability, for example by worsening working conditions through increased temperatures and humidity ( [[#5.12.3.1|Section 5.12.3.1]] ), or increase unreliability of work due to rainfall irregularity, flooding or drought, and can put them more at risk during climatic extreme events such as wildfires ( [[#Turhan--2015|Turhan et al., 2015]] ; [[#Greene--2018|Greene, 2018]] ; [[#Mendez--2020|Mendez et al., 2020]] ; [[#Tigchelaar--2020|Tigchelaar et al., 2020]] ).

|}

<div id="5.4.3" class="h2-container"></div>

<span id="projected-impacts-1"></span>