Editing IPCC:AR6/WGIII/Chapter-12 (section)

==== 12.4.4.2 Regulatory and Administrative Instruments ====

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'''Marketing regulations:''' Currently, 16 countries regulate marketing of unhealthy food to children, mainly on television and in schools ( [[#Taillie--2019|Taillie et al. 2019]] ), and many other efforts are ongoing across the globe ( [[#European%20Commission--2019|European Commission 2019]] ). The aim to counter the increase in obesity in children and target products high in saturated fats, trans-fatty acids, free sugars and/or salt ( [[#WHO--2010|WHO 2010]] ) was endorsed by 192 countries ( [[#Kovic--2018|Kovic et al. 2018]] ). Nutrition and health claims for products are used by industry to increase sales, for example in the sport sector or for breakfast cereals. They can be informative, but can also be misleading if misused for promoting unhealthy food ( [[#Whalen--2018|Whalen et al. 2018]] ; [[#Ghosh--2019|Ghosh and Sen 2019]] ; [[#Sussman--2019|Sussman et al. 2019]] ).

Strong statutory marketing regulations can significantly reduce the exposure of children to, and sales of, unhealthy food compared with voluntary restrictions ( [[#Kovic--2018|Kovic et al. 2018]] ; [[#Temme--2020|Temme et al. 2020]] ). Data on effectiveness of marketing regulations with a broader food sustainability scope are not available. On the other hand, regulations that mobilise private investment into emerging food production technologies can be instrumental in curbing the cost and making them competitive ( [[#Bianchi--2018a|Bianchi et al. 2018a]] ).

'''Voluntary sustainability standards:''' Voluntary sustainability standards are developed either by a public entity or by private organisations to respond to consumers’ demands for social and environmental standards ( [[#Fiorini--2019|Fiorini et al. 2019]] ). For example, the Dutch Green Protein Alliance, an alliance of government, industry, NGOs and academia, formulated a goal to shift the ratio of protein consumption from 60% animal source proteins currently to 40% by 2050 ( [[#Aiking--2020|Aiking and de Boer 2020]] ), and Cool Food Pledge signatories (organisations that serve food, such as restaurants, hospitals and universities) committed to a 25% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030, compared with 2015 ( [[#Cool%20Food--2020|Cool Food 2020]] ). For firms, obtaining certification under such schemes can be costly, and costs are generally borne by the producers and/or supply chain stakeholders ( [[#Fiorini--2019|Fiorini et al. 2019]] ). The effectiveness of private voluntary sustainability standards is uncertain. [[#Cazzolla%20Gatti--2019|Cazzolla Gatti et al. (2019)]] have investigated the effectiveness of the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil on halting forest loss and habitat degradation in Southeast Asia and concluded that production of certified palm oil continued to lead to deforestation.

'''Organisational procurement:''' Green public procurement is a policy that aims to create additional demand for sustainable products ( [[#Bergmann%20Madsen--2018|Bergmann Madsen 2018]] ; [[#Mazzocchi--2019|Mazzocchi and Marino 2019]] ) or decrease demand for less sustainable products (e.g., the introduction of ‘Meatless Monday’ by the Norwegian Armed Forces) ( [[#Cheng--2018|Cheng et al. 2018]] ; [[#Gava--2018|Gava et al. 2018]] ; [[#Milford--2019|Milford and Kildal 2019]] ; [[#Wilts--2019|Wilts et al. 2019]] ). To improve dietary choices, organisations can increase the price of unsustainable options while decreasing the price of sustainable ones, or employ information or choice architecture measures ( [[#Goggins--2016|Goggins and Rau 2016]] ; [[#Goggins--2018|Goggins 2018]] ). Procurement guidelines exist at global, national, organisational or local levels ( [[#Noonan--2013|Noonan et al. 2013]] ; [[#Neto--2018|Neto and Gama Caldas 2018]] ). Procurement rules in schools or public canteens increase the accessibility of healthy food and can improve dietary behaviour and decrease purchases of unhealthy food ( [[#Cheng--2018|Cheng et al. 2018]] ; [[#Temme--2020|Temme et al. 2020]] ).

'''Food regulations:''' Novel foods based on insects, microbial proteins or cellular agriculture must go through authorisation processes to ensure compliance with food safety standards before they can be sold to consumers. Several countries have ‘novel food’ regulations governing the approval of foods for human consumption. For example, the European Commission, in its update of the Novel Food Regulation in 2015, expanded its definition of novel food to include food from cell cultures, or that produced from animals by non-traditional breeding techniques ( [[#EU--2015|EU 2015]] ).

For animal product analogues, regulatory pathways and procedures ( [[#Stephens--2018|Stephens et al. 2018]] ) and terminology issues (defining equivalence questions) ( [[#Carrenõ--2018|Carrenõ and Dolle 2018]] ; [[#Pisanello--2018|Pisanello and Ferraris 2018]] ) need clarification, as does their relation to religious rules ( [[#Chriki--2020|Chriki and Hocquette 2020]] ).

Examples of legislation targeting food waste include the French ban on wasting food approaching best-before dates, requiring its donation to charity organisations ( [[#Global%20Alliance%20for%20the%20Future%20of%20Food--2020|Global Alliance for the Future of Food 2020]] ). In Japan, the Food Waste Recycling Law set targets for food waste recycling for industries in the food sector for 2020, ranging between 50% for restaurants and 95% for food manufacturers ( [[#Liu--2016|Liu et al. 2016]] ).

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