Editing IPCC:AR6/WGIII/Chapter-1 (section)

==== 1.7.4.1 Psychological and Behavioural Dimensions ====

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The AR5 emphasised that decision processes often include both deliberate (‘calculate the costs and beneﬁts’) and intuitive thinking, the latter utilising emotion- and rule-based responses that are conditioned by personal past experience, social context, and cultural factors (e.g., [[#Kahneman--2003|Kahneman 2003]] ), and that laypersons tend to judge risks differently than experts – for example, ‘intuitive’ reactions are often characterised by biases to the status quo and aversion to perceived risks and ambiguity ( [[#Kahneman--1979|Kahneman and Tversky 1979]] ). Many of these features of human reasoning create ‘psychological distance’ from climate change ( [[#Spence--2012|Spence et al. 2012]] ; [[#Marshall--2014|Marshall 2014]] ). These can impede adequate personal responses, in addition to the collective nature of the problem, where such problems can take the form of ‘uncomfortable knowledge’, neglected and so becoming ‘unknown knowns’ ( [[#Sarewitz--2020|Sarewitz 2020]] ). These decision processes, and the perceptions that shape them, have been studied through different lenses from psychology ( [[#Weber--2016|Weber 2016]] ) to sociology ( [[#Guilbeault--2018|Guilbeault et al. 2018]] ), and media studies ( [[#Boykoff--2011|Boykoff 2011]] ). [[#Karlsson--2020|Karlsson and Gilek (2020)]] identify science denialism and ‘decision thresholds’ as key mechanisms of delay.

Experimental economics ( [[#Allcott--2011|Allcott 2011]] ) also helps explain why cost-effective energy efficiency measures or other mitigation technologies are not taken up as fast or as widely as the benefits might suggest, including procrastination and inattention, as ‘we often resist actions with clear long-term benefits if they are unpleasant in the short run’ ( [[#Allcott--2010|Allcott and Mullainathan 2010]] ). Incorporating behavioural and social dynamics in models is required particularly to better represent the demand side ( [[#Nikas--2020|Nikas et al. 2020]] ), for example, [[#Safarzyńska--2018|Safarzyńska (2018)]] demonstrates how behavioural factors change responses to carbon pricing relative to other instruments. A key perspective is to eschew ‘either/or’ between economic and behavioural frameworks, as the greatest effects often involve combining behavioural dimensions (e.g., norms, social influence networks, convenience and quality assurance) with financial incentives and information ( [[#Stern--2010|Stern et al. 2010]] ). Randomised, controlled field trials can help predict the effects of behavioural interventions ( [[#Levitt--2009|Levitt and List 2009]] ; [[#McRae--2016|McRae and Meeks 2016]] ; [[#Gillan--2017|Gillan 2017]] ). [[IPCC:Wg3:Chapter:Chapter-5|Chapter 5]] explores both positive and negative dimensions of behaivour in more depth, including the development of norms and interactions with the wider social context, with emphasis upon the services associated with human well-being, rather than the economic activities per se.

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