Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-15 (section)

=== 15.6.5 Culture ===

<div id="h2-18-siblings" class="h2-siblings"></div>

Culture can be defined as ‘material and non-material symbols that express collective meaning’ ( [[#Adger--2014|Adger et al., 2014]] , p. 762) and includes worldviews and values, how individuals and communities relate to their environment, and what they perceive to be at risk and in need of adaptation ( [[#McNaught--2014|McNaught et al., 2014]] ; [[#Nunn--2014|Nunn et al., 2014]] ; [[#Remling--2016|Remling and Veitayaki, 2016]] ; [[#Nunn--2017b|Nunn et al., 2017b]] ; [[#Granderson--2017|Granderson, 2017]] ; [[#Neef--2018|Neef et al., 2018]] ; [[#Oakes--2019|Oakes, 2019]] ). In small islands, culture plays an important role in individual and community decision-making on adaptation both as an enabling factor and as a barrier ( ''robust evidence, high agreement'' ) ( [[#Nunn--2017b|Nunn et al., 2017b]] ; [[#Parsons--2017|Parsons et al., 2017]] ; [[#Neef--2018|Neef et al., 2018]] ; [[#Piggott-McKellar--2020|Piggott-McKellar et al., 2020]] ). The concept of ''Vai Nui'' as the interconnectedness of Pacific Islanders continues to support the collective agency to plan and undertake adaptation efforts in the region ( [[#Hayward--2019|Hayward et al., 2019]] ). In Samoa, the principles of ''Fa‘asamoa'' (the Samoan way of life) impacts on how decisions are made, including the role of the ''aiga'' (extended family) that is a web of local, national and transnational kinship networks ( [[#Parsons--2018|Parsons et al., 2018]] ). Traditional village council structures and land stewardship enable an expanded range of coastal adaptation options in Samoa, including potential relocation, but at the same time may limit participation of all social groups in adaptation decision-making ( [[#Crichton--2020|Crichton et al., 2020]] ). In Dominica, in the aftermath of Hurricane Maria (2017), social capital in the form of transboundary nearby island networks enabled some communities to recover faster from the disaster including access to more livelihood opportunities and assets ( [[#Turner--2020|Turner et al., 2020]] ).

Yet, culture is often overlooked in adaptation policies and plans. For example, in the National Communications of 16 SIDS, only one country (Cook Islands) reported adaptation actions that addressed social issues, culture and heritage ( [[#Robinson--2018b|Robinson, 2018b]] ). Externally driven adaptation efforts in rural small island communities that exclude community priorities, ignore or undervalue IKLK, and are based on secular Western/global worldviews ( [[#Donner--2014|Donner and Webber, 2014]] ; [[#Prance--2015|Prance, 2015]] ; [[#McNamara--2016|McNamara et al., 2016]] ; [[#Nunn--2017b|Nunn et al., 2017b]] ; [[#Schwebel--2017|Schwebel, 2017]] ; [[#Mallin--2018|Mallin, 2018]] ; [[#Nunn--2019|Nunn and McNamara, 2019]] ; [[#Piggott-McKellar--2019b|Piggott-McKellar et al., 2019b]] ) are often less successful ( ''high agreement, medium evidence'' ). The World Bank Kiribati Adaptation Program (KAP), for example, builds mainly on Western knowledge and science despite consultations with the Kiribati communities ( [[#Prance--2015|Prance, 2015]] ). Yet, in many contexts, most land and knowledge are embedded in traditional governance and culture while adaptation plans and decisions are made elsewhere on how that land should be used and what knowledge is used ( ''high agreement'' ) ( [[#Nunn--2013|Nunn, 2013]] ; [[#Prance--2015|Prance, 2015]] ; [[#Charan--2017|Charan et al., 2017]] ; [[#Nalau--2018a|Nalau et al., 2018a]] ; [[#Parsons--2018|Parsons et al., 2018]] ; [[#McGinn--2020|McGinn and Solofa, 2020]] ).

In Kiribati, communities often use different timescales to evaluate the need for adaptation. I-Kiribati culture’s core concept of time is short term and medium term ( [[#Prance--2015|Prance, 2015]] ), which should be considered in adaptation policy and planning processes especially at the household and community level ( [[#Donner--2014|Donner and Webber, 2014]] ). Key stakeholders, especially community leaders, should be included and empowered to help design and sustain adaptation ( [[#Baldacchino--2018|Baldacchino, 2018]] ; [[#Weiler--2018|Weiler et al., 2018]] ). Focusing on values-as-relations (e.g., island communities’ relationship with the environment and each other) could diversify the values considered in adaptation decision-making processes ( [[#Parsons--2019|Parsons and Nalau, 2019]] ). Indeed, those Pacific islands with a more island-centric approach to climate adaptation tend to have overall more successful adaptation policies in place ( [[#Schwebel--2017|Schwebel, 2017]] ).

The cultural context and sources of knowledge are myriad and diverse in small islands. Community members often use both IKLK as well as Western scientific-based weather forecasts to take actions to prepare for extreme weather events ( [[#Chand--2014|Chand et al., 2014]] ; [[#Johnston--2015|Johnston, 2015]] ; [[#Janif--2016|Janif et al., 2016]] ; [[#Granderson--2017|Granderson, 2017]] ; [[#Kelman--2017|Kelman et al., 2017]] ), with specific examples from Niue, Tonga, Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands ''(high agreement, high evidence)'' ( [[#Chand--2014|Chand et al., 2014]] ; [[#Chambers--2017|Chambers et al., 2017]] ; [[#Chambers--2019|Chambers et al., 2019]] ) ''.'' In Samoa, people keep particular areas reserved for disaster times such as TC seasons ( [[#Kuruppu--2015|Kuruppu and Willie, 2015]] ), while in Vanuatu, IKLK indicators for TCs include mango trees flowering early and turtles going further inland to lay their eggs ( [[#Chand--2014|Chand et al., 2014]] ). IKLK are, however, not evenly distributed within communities due to IKLK being traditional intellectual property of particular roles in the villages (e.g., weathermen in Vanuatu), and not available to other community members or external actors directly ( [[#Chand--2014|Chand et al., 2014]] ; [[#Prance--2015|Prance, 2015]] ). In Tongoa Island, Vanuatu, communities are finding, however, that their IKLK-based seasonal calendars are out of sync given the changes in climatic conditions ( [[#Granderson--2017|Granderson, 2017]] ), while erosion of IKLK remains a concern across most small island nations ( [[#Kuruppu--2015|Kuruppu and Willie, 2015]] ; [[#Granderson--2017|Granderson, 2017]] ; [[#Beckford--2018|Beckford, 2018]] ).

Not all IKLK and other knowledge are necessarily helpful and IKLK can lead to maladaptation ( [[#Mercer--2012|Mercer et al., 2012]] ; [[#Beckford--2018|Beckford, 2018]] ). Elders from the Chuuk State (Federated States of Micronesia; [[#Elders%20from%20Atafu%20Atoll--2012|Elders from Atafu Atoll, 2012]] ), for instance, assign blame for changeable weather patterns, destructive typhoons and loss of biodiversity to people’s failure to maintain and employ their IKLK. Fatalism (belief that disasters are God’s will) is still reported as a major cultural barrier to adaptation. In Maldives, fatalism decreases direct adaptation action and influences perceptions of climate risks ( [[#Shakeela--2015|Shakeela and Becken, 2015]] ) while indigenous communities in St. Vincent do not prepare for hurricanes or climatic shocks for the same reason ( [[#Smith--2016|Smith and Rhiney, 2016]] ). In Oceania, Christianity and the church play an important role in how issues, such as climate change, are communicated and thought about ( [[#Rubow--2016|Rubow and Bird, 2016]] ; [[#Nunn--2017b|Nunn et al., 2017b]] ), including the Noah and flood story used as a justification that there is no need to worry about SLR ( [[#Rubow--2016|Rubow and Bird, 2016]] ). New emerging forms of eco-theology (theology that connects humans with land, sea and sky), however, situate climate change as part of environmental stewardship ( [[#Rubow--2016|Rubow and Bird, 2016]] ) making churches active partners in caring for the environment.

Many studies also now demonstrate the value in considering multiple systems of knowledge through collaborative and co-production projects and strategies, which allow for culturally situated knowledge, values and practices to be positioned at the heart of sustainable climate change adaptation ''(high agreement)'' ( [[#Chambers--2017|Chambers et al., 2017]] ; [[#Plotz--2017|Plotz et al., 2017]] ; [[#Beckford--2018|Beckford, 2018]] ; [[#Malsale--2018|Malsale et al., 2018]] ; [[#Parsons--2018|Parsons et al., 2018]] ; [[#Suliman--2019|Suliman et al., 2019]] ) ''.'' In the Caribbean context, [[#Beckford--2018|Beckford (2018)]] suggests the establishment of the Caribbean Local and Traditional Knowledge Network, a shared regional platform, makes IKLK more available for climate adaptation and community resilience projects where appropriate. Likewise, indigenous research methodologies are emerging that introduce more culturally grounded concepts and methods into how research is conducted and that decolonise mainstream research in the Pacific Islands ( [[#Suaalii-Sauni--2014|Suaalii-Sauni and Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014]] ).

Despite widespread international evidence that the impacts of climate change and disaster events often negatively affect women (and gender minorities) more than men ( [[#McSherry--2014|McSherry et al., 2014]] ; [[#Aipira--2017|Aipira et al., 2017]] ; [[#Gaillard--2017|Gaillard et al., 2017]] ), attention to gender equality as a concept is still only ‘embryonic in climate change adaptation in the Pacific’, and although recognised in some policies and project designs, it is not well supported by on-the-ground actions or well monitored ( [[#Aipira--2017|Aipira et al., 2017]] , p. 237). Many Pacific small island climate change adaptation policies do not mainstream gender across the activities ( [[#Aipira--2017|Aipira et al., 2017]] ), with women’s groups being excluded from climate grants due to patriarchal formal and informal governance structures, lack of resources, less access to educational and training schemes and no track record (or receiving grants or meeting grant milestones) ( [[#McLeod--2018|McLeod et al., 2018]] ). However, Pacific women identify several strategies that enable them to adapt to climate change more effectively. These include the recognition and support of women’s IKLK by governments, researchers and NGOs; increasing women’s access to climate change funding and support from organisations to allow them to meet the requirements of international climate change grants; and specific education and training to women’s groups to allow them to develop strategic action plans, mission statements, learn financial reporting requirements as well as general leadership and institutional training ( [[#McLeod--2018|McLeod et al., 2018]] ). These and other measures could enable a broader representation and participation in adaptation processes despite cultural constraints (Table 15.7 on Enabling Conditions).

'''Table 15.7 |''' Enabling conditions and factors for adaptation in small islands.

{| class="wikitable"
|-
! colspan="3"|
|-
! Enabler

! Example

! Reference

|-
| colspan="3"| ''Knowledge (indigenous, local, external)''

|-
| rowspan="3"| IKLK in developing adaptation strategies (soft protective structures; disaster preparedness)

| Using IKLK in identifying Indigenous vegetation (e.g., ecosystem-based adaptation) to reduce erosion (Samoa, Vanuatu)

| [[#Crichton--2018|Crichton and Esteban (2018)]] ; [[#Nalau--2018b|Nalau et al. (2018b)]]

|-
| Pacific storm prediction, disaster preparedness

| [[#Chand--2014|Chand et al. (2014)]] ; [[#Kuruppu--2015|Kuruppu and Willie (2015)]] ; [[#Granderson--2017|Granderson (2017)]]

|-
| Shared resource governance and understanding of linkages between sectors and ecosystems based on IKLK (e.g., Lomani Gau village initiative (Fiji)

| [[#Remling--2016|Remling and Veitayaki (2016)]]

|-
| rowspan="2"| Increased access to climate information

| Increased access to climate information increasing individuals will and capacity to support/take adaptive actions (Fiji)

| [[#Di%20Falco--2019|Di Falco and Sharma-Khushal (2019)]]

|-
| Dissemination of adaptation skills and significance to youth (e.g., ecocamps in Fiji)

| McNaught et al. (2014)

|-
| Increased access to climate information

| Pacific women’s improved participation in adaptation processes via training, access to information and decision-making

Improved climate data quality, management and associated observation, modelling and information services

Caribbean: improved climate data quality, management and associated observation, modelling and information services

Provision of user-tailored products and services through knowledge co-production processes

| [[#McLeod--2018|McLeod et al. (2018)]]

[[#Martin--2015|Martin et al. (2015)]] ; [[#Hermes--2019|Hermes et al. (2019)]]

[[#Trotman--2018|Trotman et al. (2018)]]

[[#SPREP--2016a|SPREP (2016a)]]

|-
| colspan="3"| ''Economy and finance''

|-
| Economic diversification and shifting to CRDPs

| Tourism system transitions/cooperation from tourism sector

| [[#Loehr--2019|Loehr (2019)]] ; [[#Mahadew--2019|Mahadew and Appadoo (2019)]] ; [[#Loehr--2020|Loehr et al. (2020)]] ; [[#Sheller--2020|Sheller (2020)]]

|-
| Finance models for adaptation

| Innovative financing models that enable adaptation (e.g., Seychelles)

Parametric fisheries insurance products to increase fishery resilience funded by Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility (Grenada and Saint Lucia)

| [[#Rambarran--2018|Rambarran (2018)]]

[[#CCRIF--2019|CCRIF (2019)]]

|-
| Transregional trade agreements/associated pressure

| Revised sociopolitical arrangements for better fisheries management (Solomon Islands)

| Keen et al. (2018)

|-
| Economic viability via revenue from sale of new land

| Maldives land raising on Hulhumalé

‘Safe island development programme’ after 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami in the Maldives

| [[#Bisaro--2019|Bisaro et al. (2019)]]

[[#Shaig--2008|Shaig (2008)]]

|-
| Government subsidies

| Tuamotu’s government subsidy of raised houses

| [[#Magnan--2018|Magnan et al. (2018)]]

|-
| Co-investments and cooperation between agencies (donors, governments)

| Tuvalu use of beach nourishment in collaboration with JICA

| [[#Onaka--2017|Onaka et al. (2017)]]

|-
| Diversification of livelihoods as basis for economic activity

| Coastal fishers’ diversification of livelihoods into the tourism sector (Vanuatu and Madagascar)

Fishermen varying fishing practices and locations depending on environmental conditions (e.g., Dominican Republic)

| [[#Blair--2018|Blair and Momtaz (2018)]]

[[#Karlsson--2020|Karlsson and McLean (2020)]]

|-
| colspan="3"| ''Governance''

|-
| Changed governance arrangements resulting in improved coordination

| Improved governance arrangements: cross-sectoral and cross-agency coordination (e.g., Vanuatu)

| [[#Webb--2015|Webb et al. (2015)]] ; [[#Nalau--2016|Nalau et al. (2016)]]

|-
| rowspan="2"| Changed governance arrangements resulting in improved coordination

| Agency explicitly tasked with coordinating sectors and services for climate resilience across government (Dominica)

| Turner et al. (2020)

|-
| Efficient and coordinated distribution of climate adaptation support across national projects and departments (e.g., Samoa)

| [[#McGinn--2020|McGinn and Solofa (2020)]]

|-
| New strict/explicit building codes

| Caribbean infrastructure (esp. housing and hotels) now must be built to withstand strong hurricanes

| [[#Mycoo--2018a|Mycoo (2018a)]]

|-
| Localising climate adaptation plans, frameworks and policies

| Pacific Adaptive Capacity Framework

Framework for the Disaster and Climate Resilient Development in the Pacific (FRDP)

Island-centric adaptation policy and planning

| [[#Warrick--2017|Warrick et al. (2017)]]

[[#SPC--2016|SPC (2016)]]

[[#Schwebel--2017|Schwebel (2017)]]

|-
| colspan="3"| ''Social and cultural''

|-
| rowspan="3"| Social networks and capacity in disaster recovery

| Support of social networks in hurricane recovery, access to livelihood opportunities (e.g., Dominica)

| Turner et al. (2020)

|-
| Increased indigenous resilience and adaptive capacity via social networks and capital (e.g., Samoa)

| [[#Petzold--2015|Petzold and Ratter (2015)]] ; [[#Parsons--2018|Parsons et al. (2018)]]

|-
| Informal credit for fishermen at food stores during and after disasters (e.g., Belize and Dominican Republic)

| [[#Karlsson--2020|Karlsson and McLean (2020)]]

|-
| Social networks and traditional familiarity with barter/microfinance

| Community-level fundraising (e.g., Samoa, Solomons, Jamaica)

| [[#Birk--2014|Birk and Rasmussen (2014)]] ; [[#Carby--2017|Carby (2017)]] ; [[#Crichton--2018|Crichton and Esteban (2018)]] ; [[#Parsons--2018|Parsons et al. (2018)]] ; [[#Nunn--2019a|Nunn and Kumar (2019a)]]

|-
| Maintenance of home community

| Circular migration between Tuvalu and overseas

| Marino and [[#Lazrus--2015|Lazrus (2015)]]

|-
| Empowerment of the migrating individuals

| Relocations of villages (Fiji)

| Marino and Lazrus 2015)

|}

<div id="15.7" class="h1-container"></div>

<span id="climate-resilient-development-pathways-and-future-solutions-in-small-islands"></span>