Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-17 (section)

===== 17.4.5.4.1 Social movements and other mobilisations =====

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Recent studies of climate-related social movements show that they can act as catalysing agents which promote action to manage climate-related risks ( ''medium confidence'' ). However, these studies use varying definitions of climate movements within the broader context of environmental movements. A prominent topic of research is the rapidity and the large scale of the proliferation of these movements around the world, primarily in urban settings but also in rural and Indigenous contexts ( [[#Claeys--2017|Claeys and Delgado Pugley, 2017]] ).

These movements usually focus on climate mitigation but sometimes include adaptation. Their social bases include groups which had not previously been active in climate politics, notably children and youth, as well as sectors with long traditions of environmental activism, such as women and Indigenous Peoples (see Cross-Chapter Boxes GENDER and INDIG in Chapter 18). Much of the literature on youth movements traces the emergence of the movements themselves ( [[#Sanson--2019|Sanson et al., 2019]] ; [[#Treichel--2020|Treichel, 2020]] ), their framings of climate change as a social justice issue ( [[#Holmberg--2019|Holmberg and Alvinius, 2019]] ) and their presence in demonstrations and on social media ( [[#Boulianne--2020|Boulianne et al., 2020]] ). Climate action catalysed by youth and other climate movements include visible international events such as the signing of Declaration on Children, Youth, and Climate Action at COP25 in Madrid 2019 ( [[#Han--2020|Han and Ahn, 2020]] ), as well as national efforts, including lawsuits, and local events such as in tree-planting and waste reduction initiatives ( [[#Bandura--2019|Bandura and Cherry, 2019]] ).

A recent review examines 2743 cases around the world of mobilisations for environmental justice causes ( [[#Scheidel--2020|Scheidel et al., 2020]] ); roughly half the cases occurred between 1970 and 2007, and half between 2008 and 2019. Of these environmental mobilisations, 17% are directly related to climate and energy, and others are related to climate-sensitive issues (15% for biomass and land use, 14% for water management). This study reports the proportion of positive outcomes for different strategies, defined as meeting the goals of the movements, which generally align with climate adaptation and sustainable resource management. These rates vary from 10% for negotiated solutions to 34% for court decisions. It notes the corresponding higher rates of failure, as well as the costs borne by the movements, which include criminalisation (20% of cases), violence (18%) and assassination (13%). These costs are significantly higher for Indigenous communities that engage in these mobilisations.

At a global scale, climate movements succeeded in pressing for the greater recognition of the importance of Indigenous knowledge within international agreements ( [[#Tormos-Aponte--2018|Tormos-Aponte and García-López, 2018]] ) but did not achieve the major reforms of climate finance which they sought ( [[#Khan--2019a|Khan et al., 2019a]] ); these differing outcomes reflect the sensitivity of the issues and the formation of coalitions which supported or opposed the movements. At national and local scales, one review of US cases reports limited effectiveness of climate movements because of the ability of governmental agencies to co-opt them ( [[#Pulido--2016|Pulido et al., 2016]] ), while another review in Pakistan shows a number of successes, because the movements were able to build alliances with other public sector and community groups ( [[#Shawoo--2020|Shawoo and McDermott, 2020]] ).

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