Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-11 (section)

== 11.4 Indigenous Peoples ==

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Indigenous perspectives of well-being embrace physical, social, emotional and cultural domains, collectiveness and reciprocity and, more fundamentally, connections between all elements across past, present and future generations ( [[#Australia.%20NAHS%20Working%20Party--1989|Australia. NAHS Working Party, 1989]] ; [[#MfE--2020a|MfE, 2020a]] ). Changing climate conditions are expected to exacerbate many of the social, economic and health inequalities faced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in Australia and Māori in New Zealand ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Bennett--2014|Bennett et al., 2014]] ; [[#Hopkins--2015|Hopkins et al., 2015]] ; [[#AIHW--2016|AIHW, 2016]] ; [[#Lyons--2019|Lyons et al., 2019]] ). As a consequence, effective policy responses are those that take advantage of the interlinkages and dependencies between mitigation, adaptation and Indigenous Peoples’ well-being ( [[#Jones--2019|Jones, 2019]] ) and those that address the transformative change needed from colonial legacies ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Hill--2020|Hill et al., 2020]] ). There is a central role for Indigenous Peoples in climate change decision-making that helps address the enduring legacy of colonisation through building opportunities based on Indigenous governance regimes, cultural practices to care for land and water and intergenerational perspectives ( ''very high confidence'' ) ( [[#Nursey-Bray--2019|Nursey-Bray et al., 2019]] ; [[#Petzold--2020|Petzold et al., 2020]] ) (Cross-Chapter Box INDIG in Chapter 18).

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=== 11.4.1 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples of Australia ===

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The highly diverse Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples of Australia have survived and adapted to climate changes such as sea level rise (SLR) and extreme rainfall variability during the late Pleistocene era, through intimate place-based Indigenous knowledge in practice and while losing traditional land and sea country ownership ( [[#Liedloff--2013|Liedloff et al., 2013]] ) (Cross-Chapter Box INDIG in Chapter 18) including during the Late Pleistocene era ( [[#Golding--2009|Golding and Campbell, 2009]] ; [[#Nunn--2016|Nunn and Reid, 2016]] ). They belong to the world’s oldest living cultures, continually resident in their own ancestral lands, or ‘country’, for over 65,000 years ( [[#Kingsley--2013|Kingsley et al., 2013]] ; [[#Marmion--2014|Marmion et al., 2014]] ; [[#Nagle--2017|Nagle et al., 2017]] ; [[#Tobler--2017|Tobler et al., 2017]] ; [[#Nursey-Bray--2018|Nursey-Bray and Palmer, 2018]] ). The majority of the Australian Indigenous Peoples live in urban areas in southern and eastern Australia, but are the predominant population in remote areas.

Climate-related impacts on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples, countries (traditional estates) and cultures have been observed across Australia and are pervasive, complex and compounding ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Green--2009|Green et al., 2009]] ) (11.5.1), for example, the loss of biocultural diversity, nutritional changes through the availability of traditional foods and forced diet change, water security and loss of land and cultural resources through erosion and SLR (Table 11.10) ( [[#TSRA--2018|TSRA, 2018]] ). Moreover, these impacts are being experienced now particularly in low-lying geographical areas—especially in the Torres Strait Islands ( [[#Mosby--2012|Mosby, 2012]] ; Kelly, 2014; Murphy, 2019; [[#Hall--2021|Hall et al., 2021]] ). Estimates of the loss from fire impacts on ecosystem services that contribute to the well-being of remotely located Indigenous Australians were found to be higher than the financial impacts from the same fires on pastoral and conservation lands ( [[#Sangha--2020|Sangha et al., 2020]] ) and could increase with both financial and non-financial impacts (Box 11.1).

'''Table 11.10 |''' Climate-related impacts on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples, country and cultures.

{| class="wikitable"
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! Impacts

! Implications

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| Loss of biocultural diversity (land, water and sky) ( ''medium confidence'' )

| Healthy country is critical to Indigenous Australians’ livelihoods, caring for country responsibilities, health and well-being. Damage to land can magnify the loss of spiritual connection to land from dispossession from traditional country and leads to disruption of cultural structures. Climate change impacts can exacerbate and/or accelerate existing threats of habitat degradation and biodiversity loss and create challenges for traditional stewardship of landscapes ( [[#Mackey--2015|Mackey and Claudie, 2015]] )

|-
| Climate-driven loss of native title and other customary lands ( ''medium confidence'' )

| Traditional coastal lands lost through erosion and rising sea level, with associated mental health implications from loss of cultural and traditional artefacts and landscapes, including the destruction and exhumation of ancestral graves and burial grounds. This is also occurring and predicted to intensify in the low-lying islands of the Torres Strait ( [[#TSRA--2018|TSRA, 2018]] ; [[#Hall--2021|Hall et al., 2021]] ) and was also noted during the extreme bushfires in Eastern Australia in late 2019 and early 2020.

|-
| Changing availability of traditional foods and forced diet change ( ''medium confidence'' )

| Human health impacts can be exacerbated by climate change through the changing availability of traditional foods and medicines, while outages and the high costs of electricity can limit the storage of fresh food and medication ( [[#Kingsley--2013|Kingsley et al., 2013]] ; [[#Spurway--2016|Spurway and Soldatic, 2016]] ; [[#Hall--2020|Hall and Crosby, 2020]] )

|-
| Changing climatic conditions for subsistence food harvesting ( ''medium confidence'' )

| Climate-change-induced SLR and saltwater intrusion can limit the capacity for traditional Indigenous floodplain pastoralism and affect food security, access to and affordability of healthy, nutritional food ( [[#Ligtermoet--2016|Ligtermoet, 2016]] ; [[#Spurway--2016|Spurway and Soldatic, 2016]] )

|-
| Extreme weather events triggering disasters ( ''high confidence'' )

| Increasing frequency or intensity of extreme weather events (floods, droughts, cyclones, heatwaves) can cause disaster responses in remote communities, including infrastructure damage of essential water and energy systems and health facilities ( [[#TSRA--2018|TSRA, 2018]] ; [[#Hall--2020|Hall and Crosby, 2020]] )

|-
| Heatwave impacts on human health ( ''high confidence'' )

| Heatwaves can occur in many regions of Australia. Tropical regions can experience prolonged seasons of high temperatures and humidity levels, resulting in extreme heat stress risks. For example, the Torres Strait Islands are already categorised under the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) Heat Index as a danger zone for extreme human health risk during summer ( [[#TSRA--2018|TSRA, 2018]] )

|-
| Health impacts from changing conditions for vector-borne diseases ( ''high confidence'' )

| Climate change can alter exposure and increase risk for remote Indigenous Peoples to infection from waterborne and insect-borne diseases, especially if medical services are limited or damaged by extreme weather events. For example, in the Torres Strait Islands the changing climate is affecting the range and extension of the ''Aedes albopictus'' and ''Aedes aegypti'' mosquitoes that can carry and transmit dengue and other viruses ( [[#Horwood--2018|Horwood et al., 2018]] ; [[#TSRA--2018|TSRA, 2018]] )

|-
| Unadaptable infrastructure for changing environmental conditions ( ''high confidence'' )

| Poorly designed, inferior quality and unmaintained housing can create health challenges for tenants in extreme heat ( [[#Race--2016|Race et al., 2016]] ). Essential community-scale water and energy service infrastructure, unpaved roads, sea walls and stormwater drains can fail in extreme weather events ( [[#McNamara--2017|McNamara et al., 2017]] )

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| Drinking water security ( ''medium confidence'' )

| Predicted continued increases in arid conditions in Australia are expected to reduce the recharge rate of finite groundwater supplies ( [[#Barron--2011|Barron et al., 2011]] ). For remote communities reliant on groundwater for drinking supplies, this water insecurity creates vulnerabilities from over-extraction and lack of access ( [[#Jackson--2019|Jackson et al., 2019]] ; [[#Hall--2020|Hall and Crosby, 2020]] ). This groundwater can also have microbial contamination from sewage and chemicals supporting bacterial growth, such as high iron levels supporting the growth of ''Burkholderia pseudomallei'' that causes melioidosis in humans and animals ( [[#Kaestli--2019|Kaestli et al., 2019]] ). In the Torres Strait, increasing reliance on desalination for drinking water raises costs for fuel and its associated transport ( [[#Beal--2018|Beal et al., 2018]] )

|}

Due to ongoing impacts of colonisation, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples have, on average, lower income, poorer nutrition, lower school outcomes and employment opportunities, higher incarceration and higher levels of removal of children than non-Indigenous Australians, represented in high comorbidities of chronic diseases and mental health impacts ( [[#Marmot--2011|Marmot, 2011]] ; [[#Green--2014|Green and Minchin, 2014]] ; [[#AIHW--2015|AIHW, 2015]] ). This relative poverty can reduce climate-adaptive capacities while exacerbating climate change vulnerabilities ( [[#Nursey-Bray--2018|Nursey-Bray and Palmer, 2018]] ). In remote country, this can combine with lack of security for food and water, non-resilient housing and extreme weather events, contributing to migration off traditional country and into towns and cities—with flow-on social impacts such as homelessness, dislocation from community and family and disconnection from country and spirituality ( [[#Mosby--2012|Mosby, 2012]] ; [[#Brand--2016|Brand et al., 2016]] ).

Recognition of the role of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in identifying solutions to the impacts of climate change is slowly emerging ( [[#UN--2018|]] [[#UN--2018|UN, 2018]] ), having been largely excluded from meaningful representation from the conception of climate change dialogue through to debate and decision-making ( [[#Nursey-Bray--2019|Nursey-Bray et al., 2019]] ). Honouring the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and social justice values would support self-determination and the associated opportunity for Indigenous Australians to develop adaptation responses to climate change ( [[#Langton--2012|Langton et al., 2012]] ; [[#Nursey-Bray--2018|Nursey-Bray and Palmer, 2018]] ; [[#Nursey-Bray--2019|Nursey-Bray et al., 2019]] ), including the adaptive capacity opportunities available through Indigenous knowledge ( [[#Liedloff--2013|Liedloff et al., 2013]] ; [[#Petheram--2015|Petheram et al., 2015]] ; [[#Stewart--2019|Stewart et al., 2019]] ) (Cross-Chapter Box INDIG in Chapter 18). The Uluru Statement from the Heart proposes a pathway and roadmap forward for enhanced representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in decision-making in Australia (Ululru Statement, 2017). Table 11.11 provides examples of traditional Indigenous practices of adaptation to a changing climate. However, due to Indigenous methods of knowledge sharing and knowledge holding, such knowledge relies disproportionately on elders and seniors, who form a very small portion of the total Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples of Australia, and is limited in the formal literature (ABS, 2016).

'''Table 11.11 |''' Examples of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples’ practices of adaptation to a changing climate

{| class="wikitable"
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! ‘Caring for Country’: Traditional Practices for Holistic Land and Cultural Protection and Adaptation in a Changing Climate

! Source

|-
| Indigenous Protected Area (IPA) management plans enable culturally and ecologically compatible development that contribute to local Indigenous economies

| ( [[#Mackey--2015|Mackey and Claudie, 2015]] ).

|-
| IPAs can avoid the potential for ‘nature–culture dualism’ that locks out Indigenous access in some protected area legislation because they are based on relational values informed by local Indigenous knowledge

| ( [[#Lee--2016|Lee, 2016]] )

|-
| Fire management using cultural practices can achieve greenhouse gas emission targets while maintaining Indigenous cultural heritage.

| ( [[#Robinson--2016|Robinson et al., 2016]] )

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| Indigenous Ranger programmes provide a means for Indigenous-guided land management, including for fire management and carbon abatement, fauna studies, medicinal plant products, weed management and recovery of threatened species

| ( [[#Mackey--2015|Mackey and Claudie, 2015]] )

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| Faunal field surveys can engage local, bounded and fine-scale intuitive species location by Indigenous knowledge holders and their knowledge used for conservation planning

| ( [[#Wohling--2009|Wohling, 2009]] ; [[#Ziembicki--2013|Ziembicki et al., 2013]] )

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| Cultural flows in waterways are a demonstration of cultural knowledge, values and practice in action as they are informed by Indigenous knowledge, bound by water-dependent values, and define when and where water is to be delivered, particularly in a changing climate

| ( [[#Bark--2015|Bark et al., 2015]] ; [[#Taylor--2017|Taylor et al., 2017]] )

|}

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=== 11.4.2 Tangata Whenua—New Zealand Māori ===

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Māori society faces diverse impacts, risks and opportunities from climate change (Table 11.12). Studies exploring climate change impacts, scenarios, policy implications, adaptation options and tools for Māori society have increased substantially (e.g., ( [[#King--2012|King et al., 2012]] ; [[#Bargh--2014|Bargh et al., 2014]] ; [[#Jones--2014|Jones et al., 2014]] ; [[#Bryant--2017|Bryant et al., 2017]] ; [[#Awatere--2018|Awatere et al., 2018]] ; [[#Colliar--2018|Colliar and Blackett, 2018]] ). Māori priorities surrounding climate change risks and natural resource management have been articulated in planning documents by many Māori kin groups (e.g., ( [[#Ngāti%20Tahu-%20Ngāti%20Whaoa%20Rūnanga%20Trust--2013|Ngāti Tahu- Ngāti Whaoa Rūnanga Trust, 2013]] ; [[#Raukawa%20Settlement%20Trust--2015|Raukawa Settlement Trust, 2015]] ; [[#Ngai-Tahu--2018|Ngai-Tahu, 2018]] ; [[#Te%20Urunga%20Kea%20-%20Te%20Arawa%20Climate%20Change%20Working%20Group--2021|Te Urunga Kea - Te Arawa Climate Change Working Group, 2021]] ), reflecting the importance of reducing vulnerability and enhancing resilience to climate impacts and risks through adaptation and mitigation.

'''Table 11.12 |''' Climate-related impacts and risks for Tangata Whenua New Zealand Māori

{| class="wikitable"
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! Impact

! Risks

|-
| Changes in drought occurrence and extreme weather events

| Risks to Māori tribal investment in forestry, agriculture and horticulture sector operations and production, particularly across eastern and northern New Zealand ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#King--2010|King et al., 2010]] ; [[#Awatere--2018|Awatere et al., 2018]] ; [[#Hardy--2019|Hardy et al., 2019]] )

|-
| Changes in rainfall, temperature, drought, extreme weather events and ongoing SLR

| Risks to potable water supplies (availability and quality) for remote Māori populations ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#RSNZ--2016|RSNZ, 2016]] ; [[#Henwood--2019|Henwood et al., 2019]] )

|-
| Changes in rainfall, temperature, drought, extreme weather events and ongoing SLR

| Risks of exacerbating existing inequities (e.g., health, economic, education and social services), social cohesion and well-being ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#Bennett--2014|Bennett et al., 2014]] ; [[#Jones--2014|Jones et al., 2014]] )

|-
| Changes in rainfall regimes and more intense drought combined with degradation of lands and water

| Risks to the distribution and survival of cultural keystone flora and fauna, as well as cascading risks for Māori customary practice, cultural identity and well-being ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#King--2010|King et al., 2010]] ; [[#RSNZ--2016|RSNZ, 2016]] ; [[#Bond--2019|Bond et al., 2019]] )

|-
| Changes in ocean temperature and acidification

| Risks to nearshore and ocean species productivity and distribution, as well as cascading risks for Māori tribal investment in the fisheries and aquaculture sectors ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#King--2010|King et al., 2010]] ; [[#Law--2016|Law et al., 2016]] )

|-
| Sea-level-rise-induced erosion, flooding and saltwater intrusion

| Risks to Māori-owned coastal lands and economic investment as well as risks to community well-being from displacement of individuals, families and communities ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Manning--2014|Manning et al., 2014]] ; [[#Smith--2017|Smith et al., 2017]] ; [[#Hardy--2019|Hardy et al., 2019]] )

|-
| Sea-level-rise-induced erosion, inundation and saltwater intrusion

| Risks to Māori cultural heritage as well as cascading risks for tribal identity and spiritual well-being ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#King--2010|King et al., 2010]] ; [[#Manning--2014|Manning et al., 2014]] ; [[#RSNZ--2016|RSNZ, 2016]] )

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| Impacts of climate change, adaptation and mitigation actions

| Risks that governments are unable to uphold Māori interests, values and practices under the Treaty of Waitangi, creating new, modern-day breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Iorns%20Magallanes--2019|Iorns Magallanes, 2019]] ; [[#MfE--2020a|MfE, 2020a]] )

|}

Māori have long-term interests in land and water and are heavily invested in climate-sensitive sectors (agriculture, forestry, fishing, tourism and renewable energy) ( [[#King--2010|King et al., 2010]] ). Large proportions of collectively owned land already suffer from high rates of erosion ( [[#Warmenhoven--2014|Warmenhoven et al., 2014]] ; [[#Awatere--2018|Awatere et al., 2018]] ), which are projected to be exacerbated by climate-change-induced extreme rainfalls ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#RSNZ--2016|RSNZ, 2016]] ; [[#Awatere--2018|Awatere et al., 2018]] ). Changing drought occurrence, particularly across eastern and northern New Zealand, is also projected to affect primary sector operations and production ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#King--2010|King et al., 2010]] ; [[#Smith--2017|Smith et al., 2017]] ; [[#Awatere--2018|Awatere et al., 2018]] ). Further, many Māori-owned lands and cultural assets, such as marae and urupa, are located on coastal lowlands vulnerable to sea level rise (SLR) impacts ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Manning--2014|Manning et al., 2014]] ; [[#Hardy--2019|Hardy et al., 2019]] ). Māori tribal investment in fisheries and aquaculture faces substantial risks from changes in ocean temperature and acidification and the downstream impacts on species distribution, productivity and yields ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#Law--2016|Law et al., 2016]] ). A clearer understanding of climate change risks and the implications for sustainable outcomes can enable more informed decisions by tribal organisations and governance groups.

Changing climate conditions are projected to exacerbate health inequities faced by Māori ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#Bennett--2014|Bennett et al., 2014]] ; [[#Jones--2014|Jones et al., 2014]] ; [[#Hopkins--2015|Hopkins, 2015]] ). The production and ecology of some keystone cultural flora and fauna may be impacted by projected warming temperatures and reductions in rainfall ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#RSNZ--2016|RSNZ, 2016]] ; [[#Bond--2019|Bond et al., 2019]] ; [[#Egan--2020|Egan et al., 2020]] ). Obstruction of access to keystone species is expected to adversely impact customary practice, cultural identity and well-being ( ''medium confidence'' ) ( [[#Jones--2014|Jones et al., 2014]] ; [[#Bond--2019|Bond et al., 2019]] ). Social-cultural networks and conventions that promote collective action and mutual support are central features of many Māori communities, and these practices are invaluable for initiating responses to, and facilitating recovery from, climate stresses and extreme events ( [[#King--2011|King et al., 2011]] ; [[#Hopkins--2015|Hopkins et al., 2015]] ). Māori tribal organisations have a critical role in defining climate risks and policy responses ( [[#Bargh--2014|Bargh et al., 2014]] ; [[#Parsons--2019|Parsons et al., 2019]] ), as well as entering into strategic partnerships with business, science, research and government to address these risks ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Manning--2014|Manning et al., 2014]] ; [[#Beall--2017|Beall and Brocklesby, 2017]] ; [[#CCATWG--2017|CCATWG, 2017]] ).

More integrated assessments of climate change impacts, adaptation and socioeconomic risk for different Māori groups and communities, in the context of multiple stresses, inequities and different ways of knowing and being ( [[#King--2013|King et al., 2013]] ; [[#Schneider--2017|Schneider et al., 2017]] ; [[#Henwood--2019|Henwood et al., 2019]] ), would assist those striving to evaluate impacts and risks and how to integrate these assessments into adaptation plans ( ''high confidence'' ). Better understanding of the social, cultural and fiscal implications of sea level rise (SLR) is urgent ( [[#PCE--2015|PCE, 2015]] ; [[#Rouse--2017|Rouse et al., 2017]] ; [[#Colliar--2018|Colliar and Blackett, 2018]] ), including what duties local and central government might have with respect to actively upholding Māori interests under the Treaty of Waitangi ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Iorns%20Magallanes--2019|Iorns Magallanes, 2019]] ). Intergenerational approaches to climate change planning will become increasingly important, elevating political discussions about conceptions of rationality, diversity and the rights of non-human entities ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Ritchie--2013|Ritchie, 2013]] ; [[#Carter--2018|Carter et al., 2018]] ; [[#Ruru--2018|Ruru, 2018]] ; [[#Munshi--2020|Munshi et al., 2020]] ).

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