Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-6 (section)

==== 6.4.2.1 Input-Driven Institutional Change ====

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Input-driven institutional change creates incentives to deliver adaptation action. An input view focuses on the intrinsic capacities of a given organisation. Input indicators are often referred to as political capital ( [[#Rosenzweig--2018|Rosenzweig and Solecki, 2018]] ; [[#Diederichs--2016|Diederichs and Roberts, 2016]] ), existing or endogenous resources (Moloney and [[#Fünfgeld--2015|Fünfgeld, 2015]] ; [[#Wamsler--2014|Wamsler and Brink, 2014]] ), or local drivers for adaptation (Dilling et al., 2017). ReResearch conducted across two municipalities in Western Cape, South Africa, showed the importance of a dedicated environmental champion, access to a knowledge base, the availability of resources, political stability and the presence of dense social networks (Pasquini et al., 2015). Research from São Paulo, Brazil, showed how intrinsic political capacities and contextual factors, such as the political ideology of elected officials, shaped opportunities for embedding adaptation into ongoing urban agendas (Di Giulio et al., 2018).

Networks, interactions and actor coalitions shape options for institutional change. [[#Aylett--2015|Aylett (2015)]] noted the importance of internal networks between municipal departments, including informal communication channels, cultivating personal contacts and trust between the person or team responsible for climate planning and staff within other local government agencies. Internal networks can facilitate the commitment of local elected officials ( [[#Hughes--2015|Hughes, 2015]] ), support higher municipal expenditures per capita and foster perceptions that climate adaptation is needed (Shi, Chu and Debats, 2015). Collective decision-making can integrate multiple types of information with moral concerns and provide key rationales that enable adaptation action ( [[#Carlson--2015|Carlson and McCormick, 2015]] ). In urban areas in Africa, research on internal networks has also investigated how informal arrangements shape action possibilities (Satterthwaite et al., 2020). For example, in Zimbabwe, informal, traditional and civil society institutions are core arenas for issue discussion because of lower public sector capacities (Mubaya and Mafongoya, 2017). In Durban, South Africa, local governments rely considerably on shadow systems and informal spaces of information and knowledge exchange across their operations to introduce and sustain new ideas ( [[#Leck--2015|Leck and Roberts, 2015]] ). In the metropolitan area of Styria, Austria, informal cooperation has supported the development of rural–urban partnerships for the formulation of common goals (Oedl-Wieser et al., 2020). In Arkansas, USA, informal governance structures support planning to manage wildfires (Miller, Vos and Lindquist, 2017).

Cities can leverage input-driven institutional change even without national support for climate change adaptation or mitigation. For example, where cities have defined policymaking and budget raising powers, city level political leadership can support adaptation action going beyond national policy (Hamin, Gurran and Emlinger, 2014; Shi, Chu and Debats, 2015; [[#Carlson--2015|Carlson and McCormick, 2015]] ). Examples include the Surat Climate Change Trust in Surat, India ( [[#Chu--2016|Chu, 2016]] ) and Initiative for Urban Climate Change and Environment in Semarang, Indonesia ( [[#Taylor--2015|Taylor and Lassa, 2015]] ). In Saint Louis, Senegal, support from national and state-level actors enabled local institutional change (Vedeld et al., 2016). Processual levers may be also mobilised in situations of political instability (which disrupts patterns in champions and networks), clientelism (which can cause environmental projects to be discontinued) (Pasquini et al., 2015) or in contexts where there are high political and socioeconomic inequalities (Harris, Chu and Ziervogel, 2018; Chu, Anguelovski and Carmin, 2016).

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