Editing IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-10 (section)

==== 10.5.1.3 Knowledge Gaps and Future directions ====

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One of the major knowledge gaps in the domain of climate adaptation governance relates to implementation by various stakeholders at multiple scales, and sharing of information and experiences in this regard. There is a need to assuage the perceptions of distrust in global information, through governance methods that engage multiple stakeholders in open and lucid channels of communication ( [[#Stott--2014|Stott and Huq, 2014]] ). This is observable in the structure of the New Urban Agenda which formed part of the SDGs pertaining to cities and has been shaped by a bottom-up process marked by diverse participation including communities, experts and activists, rather than the top-down variant that is observable in the Millenium Development Goals ( [[#Barnett--2016|Barnett and Parnell, 2016]] ). This approach could also be evidenced in the Paris Agreement, which placed the onus of a successful global governance regime on the development of efficient systems of regional governance. However, these emerging systems of regional governance could equally pose a challenge to the global governance in a way that can be witnessed through the development of financial groups such as the BRICS (associated economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which resulted from a perception of inadequate institutional transformation at the global level. From another perspective, a comprehensive approach would require simultaneous implementation of both bottom-up and top-down models of governance, retaining flexibility of scale.

Given the concerns surrounding food security, especially in light of the principles of common but differentiated responsibilities, under the NDCs submitted by South Asian nations under the Paris Agreement, emission reduction commitments are ''less likely'' to include the agriculture sector. Prospects for enhancing both adaptive capacity and food security could be improved by strengthening resilience and profitability through the introduction of a basket of policy choices and actions including structural reforms, agriculture value-chain interventions and landscape-level efforts for climate resilience. Correspondingly, the substantial adaptation finance gap could be closed with the help of both private finance (autonomous adaptation) and international financial transfers ( [[#Amjath-Babu--2019|Amjath-Babu et al., 2019]] ).

For nearly five decades, integrated coastal management (ICM), advocated by several international organisations (e.g., IMO, UNEP, WHO, FAO) and adopted by over 100 countries, has been acknowledged as a holistic coastal governance approach aimed at achieving coastal sustainability and reducing the vulnerability of coastal communities in the face of multiple environmental impacts ( ''high confidence'' ). In view of threats posed to coastal ecological integrity by climate-change-induced tropical storm activity, accelerated SLR and littoral erosion and social–ecological impacts on the livelihood security of vulnerable coastal communities, the pressing need for approaches that innovatively combine coastal zone management and CCA measures is widely acknowledged ( [[#Rosendo--2018|Rosendo et al., 2018]] ) yet under researched. A study focusing on the three coastal cities of Xiamen, Quanzhou and Dongying, in China, a country with nearly 12% of its national coastline already covered under the ICM governance framework, suggests that whereas the ICM approach has been found to be effective in promoting the overall sustainability of China’s coastal cities ( [[#Ye--2015|Ye et al., 2015]] ) using accurate and reliable data, in addition, the developing unified standards could usefully reveal changing conditions and parameters related to ICM performance.

Steadily the regional scale of climate adaptive governance is acquiring salience in diverse sub-regions of Asia, and more policy-oriented empirical research is needed on how various regional forums, agencies and multilateral organisations could further contribute by way of in-house expertise and other resources, including financial. A study of climate adaptation in the health sector in Southeast Asia ( [[#Gilfillan--2018|Gilfillan, 2018]] ) highlights the growing role of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Asia-Pacific Regional Forum on Health and Environment, and shows that their mandates and goals could mutually benefit from the institutionalisation of coordination mechanism. An example from the Maldives shows that the 2014 Tsunami, climate change and the risk of extreme weather events have led to the legitimisation of state-led population resettlement programmes. In China, this has occurred through the renaming of previously existing resettlement initiatives as climate adaptation initiatives; however, the efficacy of resettlement as a CCA measure requires further scrutiny ( [[#Arnall--2019|Arnall, 2019]] ). In India, the National Adaptation Fund on Climate Change has been instituted in order to enable states to implement adaptation programmes; however, this does not address the question of mainstreaming CCA into designs for development ( [[#Prasad--2019|Prasad and Sud, 2019]] ). This is closely related to the development of National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs) where the mainstreaming of adaptation within countries has been an important concern. Insights from developing countries indicate that there is still much ground to cover. The NAPA of the Maldives prioritises food security, coastal resources and public health, while Nepal has prioritised ecosystem management and public health, and food security, among other concerns ( [[#Saito--2013|Saito, 2013]] ). Importantly, Bangladesh’s NAPA has shown that there is potential for ‘reflexivity’ in the integration of adaptation objectives with sectoral objectives ( [[#Vij--2018|Vij et al., 2018]] ). Conspicuous by their absence are the transboundary-scale adaptation policies in South Asia ( [[#Vij--2017|Vij et al., 2017]] ).

A distinguishing feature of the case of Japanese apple growers is the co-existence of both top-down and bottom-up adaptation practices. The former pertains to farmers who rely on the support of the cooperative for agricultural support and follow institutional mechanisms. The latter pertains to non-co-op farmers who have been responsible for innovative practices of cultivation such as the shift to peaches and the sale in the market of apples without leaf-picking. Importantly, the non-co-op group also have access to sales channels that may not be accessible to the former owing to their direct interactions with customers, among other factors ( [[#Fujisawa--2011|Fujisawa and Kobayashi, 2011]] ; [[#Fujisawa--2015|Fujisawa et al., 2015]] ). The significance of this combination of top-down and bottom-up approaches to agricultural adaptation practices may be further sharpened by formulating approaches for Asia and the Pacific region in ways that contribute to the fortification of food security objectives and the idea of co-benefits. This may be carried out by enhancing the ability of farmers to better manage cultivation practices in the context of climatic variability ( [[#FAO--2018d|FAO, 2018d]] ).

There exist numerous barriers to the mainstreaming of CCA measures across Asia. The integration of CCA into the dissemination of localised climatic information and its uptake and implementation through institutional policy arrangements remain areas of concern ( [[#Cuevas--2018|Cuevas, 2018]] ). Institutional incentives to agricultural production, for instance, are frequently compounded by the negative impacts they have on existing bases of natural resources. The disconnected operations of local governmental agencies coupled with inadequacies of cross-sectoral coordination further highlights the prevalent food–water–energy nexus ( [[#Rasul--2016|Rasul, 2016]] ). One possible way of addressing these intersecting sources’ complexity is by locating emerging CCA measures in educational development. The introduction of CCA thinking into land-use planning in the Philippines is an example of the successful role of enhancing public education and awareness through the dissemination of information by institutional channels. The linkages between the strength of local leadership and the inclusion of CCA in localised planning activities are also well illustrated by the case study of [[#Cuevas--2018|Cuevas (2018)]] .

As shown in the case of Pakistan, level of education shares a positive relationship with the implementation of adaptation measures ( [[#Ali--2017|Ali and Erenstein, 2017]] ). However, a closer examination of the educational imperatives that drive CCA in ways that improve the representational architecture of adaptation actions through a focus on gender is needed. Mainstreaming of gender into CCA would involve addressing a host of barriers to education and involvement that are often rooted in the differential structures of households, social norms and roles, and the domestic division of labour ( [[#Rao--2019|Rao et al., 2019]] ). A study from the Indian state of Bihar shows that gender plays a major role in determining intra-household decision making and also inhibits the ability of female-headed households to establish access to agricultural extension services ( [[#Mehar--2016|Mehar et al., 2016]] ). Even within wider female farmer-operated federations, such as the Bangladesh Kishani Sabha (BKS), the barriers to participation stem from social factors that include the limitation of female mobility through the gendered division of labour and a lack of recognition of female agency ( [[#Routledge--2015|Routledge, 2015]] ). Gendered inequalities in educational attainment and outcomes viewed through the lens of social vulnerability thus intersect with environmental vulnerabilities in ways that affect the ability of women to participate in CCA, owing also to a lack of access to health and sanitation facilities. These factors have a direct impact on the ability of adaptation to be effective in the global South, and are especially important in the context of the commitments of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women countries to the objective of gender equality ( [[#Roy--2018|Roy, 2018]] ).

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'''Box 10.5 | Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100'''
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''The Bangladesh Delta Plan'' ( ''BDP'' ) ''2100 is the plan moving Bangladesh forward for the next 100 years. We have formulated BDP 2100 in the way we want to build Bangladesh.'' ( [[#Commission--2018|Commission, 2018]] ).

The vision of BDP is revealed by the foregoing statement from Sheikh Hasina, the prime minister of Bangladesh. The government approved BDP 2100 in 2018. Achievement of a safe, climate-resilient and prosperous delta is the aspiration of the delta plan. Ensuring water and food security with economic growth, environmental sustainability, climate resilience, vulnerability reduction to natural hazards and minimising different challenges of the delta through robust, adaptive and integrated strategies, and equitable water governance, are the mission of this mega plan. Under this mission, three higher-level goals and six specific goals have been determined. Three higher-level goals include elimination of extreme poverty by 2030, achievement of upper middle-income status by 2030 and becoming a prosperous country beyond 2041. Six specific goals of BDP 2100 are fully linked with SDG Goals 2, 6, 13 and 14 and partially linked with Goals 1, 5, 8, 9, 11 and 15. These specific goals comprise a wide range of issues, including land and water resources, climate change, disaster, wetlands and ecosystems, river systems and estuaries. The vision, mission and goals of BDP 2100 reveal that this mega plan is a holistic and integrated approach considering diversified themes and sectors for the whole country. The implementation of the BDP 2100 requires total spending of an amount of about 2.5% of the GDP per annum. A series of strategies have been formulated for better implementation of the mega plan.

Water is the key and complicated resource of Bangladesh, and therefore BDP 2100 has kept water at the centre of the plan. It aims to promote wise and integrated use of water and other resources through development of effective institutions and equitable governance for in-country and transboundary water resource management.

Along with water, for the first time in any development planning, BDP 2100 has taken the climate-change issue as an exogenous variable in developing the macroeconomic framework of the plan. In a brief, it is stated that the principle of BDP 2100 is ‘Living with Nature’.

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