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IPCC:AR6/WGII/Chapter-12
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===== 12.5.5.3.3 Mobility and Transport System ===== <div id="h4-7-siblings" class="h4-siblings"></div> Mobility and transport systems play a key role in urban resilience ( ''high confidence'' ) ( [[#Walker--2014a|Walker et al., 2014a]] ; [[#Caprì--2016|Caprì et al., 2016]] ; [[#Espinet--2016|Espinet et al., 2016]] ; [[#Lee--2016|Lee and Lee, 2016]] ; [[#Ford--2018|Ford et al., 2018]] ; [[#Mehrotra--2018|Mehrotra et al., 2018]] ; [[#Quinn--2018|Quinn et al., 2018]] ). Examples reported in the scientific literature assessed focus on mitigation strategies, even when they are labelled as adaptation measures ( [[#da%20Silva--2016|da Silva and Buendía, 2016]] ; [[#Di%20Giulio--2018|Di Giulio et al., 2018]] ; [[#Valderrama--2019|Valderrama et al., 2019]] ; [[#Goes--2020|Goes et al., 2020]] ). The integration of transport and land use planning and the improvement of public transport, also as important mitigation actions, has emerged as a consensus in countries’ adaptation plans; nevertheless, emphasis on mobility and transport systems in the many published NAPs is low ( ''medium confidence: medium evidence, high agreement'' ). The NAPs of Honduras, Costa Rica and El Salvador do not approach adaptation or mitigation in the sector, while those of Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala and Paraguay focus on mitigation only. The NAPs of Chile, Colombia and Brazil focus on both mitigation and adaptation of mobility and transport systems. Chile’s and Colombia’s plans dedicate specific action lines to adapting mobility and transport systems to climate change, while Brazil published a complementary volume to accompany its NAP that is dedicated exclusively to sectoral strategies, although it presents only general guidelines ( [[#Government%20of%20Peru--2010|Government of Peru, 2010]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Chile--2014|Government of Chile, 2014]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Ecuador--2015|Government of Ecuador, 2015]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Brazil--2016|Government of Brazil, 2016]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Colombia--2016|Government of Colombia, 2016]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Guatemala--2016|Government of Guatemala, 2016]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Paraguay--2017|Government of Paraguay, 2017]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Costa%20Rica--2018|Government of Costa Rica, 2018]] ; [[#Government%20of%20Honduras--2018|Government of Honduras, 2018]] ; [[#Government%20of%20El%20Salvador--2019|Government of El Salvador, 2019]] ). On the municipal scale, among the biggest cities, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Lima and Santiago stand out for including mobility and transport as a strategic axis of its climatic plans, though they prioritise mitigation, while Buenos Aires and Bogota do not delve into the issue in their plans ( [[#Gobierno%20de%20la%20Ciudad%20de%20Buenos%20Aires--2015|Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 2015]] ; [[#Prefeitura%20da%20Cidade%20do%20Rio%20de%20Janeiro--2016|Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, 2016]] ; [[#Alcaldía%20Mayor%20de%20Bogotá%20D.C.--2018|Alcaldía Mayor de Bogotá D.C., 2018]] ; [[#Municipalidad%20de%20Lima--2021|Municipalidad de Lima, 2021]] ; [[#Municipalidad%20de%20Santiago--2021|Municipalidad de Santiago, 2021]] ; [[#Prefeitura%20do%20Município%20de%20São%20Paulo--2021|Prefeitura do Município de São Paulo, 2021]] ). Most of those same cities have sectoral mobility plans, which are key tools in urban resilience. Those plans, however, do not focus on adaptation actions, instead emphasising mitigation ( [[#Government%20of%20Peru--2005|Government of Peru, 2005]] ; [[#Gobierno%20de%20la%20Ciudad%20de%20Buenos%20Aires--2011|Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 2011]] ; [[#Prefeitura%20do%20Município%20de%20São%20Paulo--2015|Prefeitura do Município de São Paulo, 2015]] ; [[#Alcaldía%20Mayor%20de%20Bogotá%20D.C.--2017|Alcaldía Mayor de Bogotá D.C., 2017]] ; [[#Ilustre%20Municipalidad%20de%20Santiago--2019|Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago, 2019]] ; [[#Município%20de%20Rio%20de%20Janeiro--2019|Município de Rio de Janeiro, 2019]] ). <div id="12.5.6" class="h2-container"></div> <span id="health-and-well-being"></span>
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